Coming to terms with pollution: The language of environmental reform, 1865-1915

Environmental History

Volumn 1, Issue 3, 1996, Pages

  Rome, Adam W ^a,b  

^a PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS   (United States)

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EID: 5844231062     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (167)

1. Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the English Language [2 volumes] (New Haven: B. L. Hamlen. 1841). 321. The word "polluted" also was used as a synonym for "drunk," and nineteenth-century Americans sometimes referred to the "polluting" effects of alcohol. See Stuart Berg Flexner. I Hear America Talking. An Illustrated History of American Words and Phrases (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1976), 127; Ronald G. Walters, American Reformers, 1815-1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978), 128.
2. Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the English Language [2 volumes] (New Haven: B. L. Hamlen. 1841). 321. The word "polluted" also was used as a synonym for "drunk," and nineteenth-century Americans sometimes referred to the "polluting" effects of alcohol. See Stuart Berg Flexner. I Hear America Talking. An Illustrated History of American Words and Phrases (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1976), 127; Ronald G. Walters, American Reformers, 1815-1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978), 128.
3. Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the English Language [2 volumes] (New Haven: B. L. Hamlen. 1841). 321. The word "polluted" also was used as a synonym for "drunk," and nineteenth-century Americans sometimes referred to the "polluting" effects of alcohol. See Stuart Berg Flexner. I Hear America Talking. An Illustrated History of American Words and Phrases (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1976), 127; Ronald G. Walters, American Reformers, 1815-1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978), 128.
4. Martin V. Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities: The Civic Response to Pollution in the Progressive Era," in Kendall E. Bailes, ed., Environmental History: Critical Issues in Comparative Perspective (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1985), 494-515; and "Environmental Crisis in the City: The Relationship between Industrialization and Urban Pollution," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press. 1980), 3-31.
5. Martin V. Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities: The Civic Response to Pollution in the Progressive Era," in Kendall E. Bailes, ed., Environmental History: Critical Issues in Comparative Perspective (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1985), 494-515; and "Environmental Crisis in the City: The Relationship between Industrialization and Urban Pollution," in Martin V. Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press. 1980), 3-31.
6. For the three organizations, see Robert Dale Grinder. "The Anti Smoke Crusades: Early Attempts to Reform the Urban Environment, 1893-1918" (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1973), 51; Alan I. Marcus, "Professional Revolution and Reform in the Progressive Era: Cincinnati Physicians and the City Elections of 1897 and 1900," Journal of Urban History 5 (1979): 200; Raymond W. Smilor, "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1893-1932," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 142.
7. For the three organizations, see Robert Dale Grinder. "The Anti Smoke Crusades: Early Attempts to Reform the Urban Environment, 1893-1918" (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1973), 51; Alan I. Marcus, "Professional Revolution and Reform in the Progressive Era: Cincinnati Physicians and the City Elections of 1897 and 1900," Journal of Urban History 5 (1979): 200; Raymond W. Smilor, "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1893-1932," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 142.
8. For the three organizations, see Robert Dale Grinder. "The Anti Smoke Crusades: Early Attempts to Reform the Urban Environment, 1893-1918" (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1973), 51; Alan I. Marcus, "Professional Revolution and Reform in the Progressive Era: Cincinnati Physicians and the City Elections of 1897 and 1900," Journal of Urban History 5 (1979): 200; Raymond W. Smilor, "Toward an Environmental Perspective: The Anti-Noise Campaign, 1893-1932," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 142.
9. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
10. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
11. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
12. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
13. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
14. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
15. For a sense of the development of the pollution literature, see H. Wayne Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," in Margaret Francine Morris, ed., Essays on the Gilded Age (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), 87-108; Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform in American Cities; Melosi, "Environmental Reform in the Industrial Cities," 494-515; Stanley K. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture: American Cities and City Planning, 1800-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 111-205 Martin V. Melosi, "The Place of the City in Environmental History," Environmental History Review 17 (Spring 1993): 1-23; Joel A. Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996), which collects pathbreaking essays from several decades. In this essay, I am building especially on foundations laid by Melosi and Tarr. 5. John H. Griscom, The Uses and Abuses of Air (1850; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970). 173, 192. The second passage is quoted in Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health of the Citizens' Association of New York Upon the Sanitary Conditions of the City (1866; reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1970), lxxxiii. The 1970 reprint is the second edition of the report, which was released in 1865.
16. Citizens" Association of New York, Report, xcv-xcvi. The first superintendent of the city's health board used "pollution" in a similar fashion; see Edward Dalton, "The Metropolitan Board of Health," North American Review (1868), reprinted in Donald Worster, ed., American Environmentalism: The Formative Period, 1860-1915 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973), 144.
17. Citizens" Association of New York, Report, xcv-xcvi. The first superintendent of the city's health board used "pollution" in a similar fashion; see Edward Dalton, "The Metropolitan Board of Health," North American Review (1868), reprinted in Donald Worster, ed., American Environmentalism: The Formative Period, 1860-1915 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973), 144.
18. For the concern about cholera, see Charles E. Rosenberg. The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (1962; reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
19. Citizens' Association of New York, Report, xxxviii.
20. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-49. For the quotations, see Citizens' Association of New York, Report, xxxix. 1, xiv-xv. The next year, a discussion in the North American Review of the first statewide sanitary survey in the United States had a passage strikingly like the quotation from the Edinburgh Review: "The ultimate connection between filth and vice has been noted by all writers on this subject. Outward impurity goes hand in hand with inward pollution, and the removal of one leads to the extirpation of the other." See Schultz. Constructing Urban Culture, 148.
21. Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-49. For the quotations, see Citizens' Association of New York, Report, xxxix. 1, xiv-xv. The next year, a discussion in the North American Review of the first statewide sanitary survey in the United States had a passage strikingly like the quotation from the Edinburgh Review: "The ultimate connection between filth and vice has been noted by all writers on this subject. Outward impurity goes hand in hand with inward pollution, and the removal of one leads to the extirpation of the other." See Schultz. Constructing Urban Culture, 148.
22. Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1960 (1986; reprint, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 201.
23. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
24. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
25. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
26. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
27. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
28. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
29. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
30. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
31. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
32. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
33. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 1 (1870): 18; 4 (1873): 19-132; and 7 (1876): 23-174. For other early discussions of river pollution, see E. M. Hunt, "The Passaic River as Related to Water-Supply and Death-Rates," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 317-58; Samuel W. Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," Annual Report of the Connecticut State Board of Health 10 (1887): 173-266; "Report of the Committee on Water Supply, Drainage, Etc.," Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; C. S. McAdams, "The Pollution of Water as a Source of Disease," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 193-202; W. D. Bidwell, The Pollution of Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 4 (1888): 275-78; W. H. Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," Annual Report of the Iowa State Board of Health 1 (1881): 197-227; "Drinking-Water," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 3 (1884): 107-33; "Water Pollution," Annual Report of the New Hampshire State Board of Health 4 (1885): 124-45.
34. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
35. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
36. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
37. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
38. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
39. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
40. Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine 5 (1871): 131-33; 7 (1872): 172-74; 7 (1872): 506-508; 9 (1873): 550-53; 10 (1874): 171-76; 11 (1874): 21-23; 11 (1874): 234-37.
41. Fred Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 21; "The Pollution of Rivers," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 88. In addition, see John F. Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation (New York: Winchester Press, 1975), 52, 233-34 (note 6); Donald J. Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," Environmental Review 8 (1984): 117-31.
42. Fred Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 21; "The Pollution of Rivers," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 88. In addition, see John F. Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation (New York: Winchester Press, 1975), 52, 233-34 (note 6); Donald J. Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," Environmental Review 8 (1984): 117-31.
43. Fred Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 21; "The Pollution of Rivers," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 88. In addition, see John F. Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation (New York: Winchester Press, 1975), 52, 233-34 (note 6); Donald J. Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," Environmental Review 8 (1984): 117-31.
44. Fred Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 21; "The Pollution of Rivers," Forest and Stream 4 (1875): 88. In addition, see John F. Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation (New York: Winchester Press, 1975), 52, 233-34 (note 6); Donald J. Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," Environmental Review 8 (1984): 117-31.
45. For the British response to water pollution, see Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1983), 233-56; Bill Luckin, Pollution and Control: A Social History of the Thames in the Nineteenth Century (Bristol, England: Adam Hilger, 1986); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990). The quotation comes from Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842; reprint, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1965), 120.
46. For the British response to water pollution, see Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1983), 233-56; Bill Luckin, Pollution and Control: A Social History of the Thames in the Nineteenth Century (Bristol, England: Adam Hilger, 1986); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990). The quotation comes from Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842; reprint, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1965), 120.
47. For the British response to water pollution, see Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1983), 233-56; Bill Luckin, Pollution and Control: A Social History of the Thames in the Nineteenth Century (Bristol, England: Adam Hilger, 1986); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990). The quotation comes from Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842; reprint, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1965), 120.
48. For the British response to water pollution, see Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1983), 233-56; Bill Luckin, Pollution and Control: A Social History of the Thames in the Nineteenth Century (Bristol, England: Adam Hilger, 1986); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990). The quotation comes from Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain (1842; reprint, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1965), 120.
49. Richard L. Schoenwald, "Training Urban Man: A Hypothesis about the Sanitary Movement," in H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, eds., The Victorian City: Images and Realities, 2 vols. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), 2:679; Graeme Davison, "The City as a Natural System: Theories of Urban Society in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain," in Derek Fraser and Anthony Sutcliffe, eds., The Pursuit of Urban History (London: Edward Arnold, 1983), 362.
50. Richard L. Schoenwald, "Training Urban Man: A Hypothesis about the Sanitary Movement," in H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, eds., The Victorian City: Images and Realities, 2 vols. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), 2:679; Graeme Davison, "The City as a Natural System: Theories of Urban Society in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain," in Derek Fraser and Anthony Sutcliffe, eds., The Pursuit of Urban History (London: Edward Arnold, 1983), 362.
51. Stuart Galishoff, "Triumph and Failure: The American Response to the Urban Water Supply Problem, 1860-1923," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 35-57; Joel A. Tarr, et al., "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800-1932," Technology and Culture 25 (1984): 226-63; Joel A. Tarr, Terry Yosie, and James McCurley III, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy: Professional Cultures in Conflict, 1900-1917," American Journal of Public Health 70 (1980): 427-35.
52. Stuart Galishoff, "Triumph and Failure: The American Response to the Urban Water Supply Problem, 1860-1923," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 35-57; Joel A. Tarr, et al., "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800-1932," Technology and Culture 25 (1984): 226-63; Joel A. Tarr, Terry Yosie, and James McCurley III, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy: Professional Cultures in Conflict, 1900-1917," American Journal of Public Health 70 (1980): 427-35.
53. Stuart Galishoff, "Triumph and Failure: The American Response to the Urban Water Supply Problem, 1860-1923," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 35-57; Joel A. Tarr, et al., "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800-1932," Technology and Culture 25 (1984): 226-63; Joel A. Tarr, Terry Yosie, and James McCurley III, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy: Professional Cultures in Conflict, 1900-1917," American Journal of Public Health 70 (1980): 427-35.
54. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 4 (1873): 91-96. The board was sufficiently impressed by the description of the Aire and Calder to cite the passage again; see 8 (1877): 61-62.
55. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 4 (1873): 91-96. The board was sufficiently impressed by the description of the Aire and Calder to cite the passage again; see 8 (1877): 61-62.
56. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 4 (1873): 91.
57. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 7 (1876): 285. On the Massachusetts response to river pollution in the late nineteenth century, see John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth Century Southern New England," Journal of Social History 29 (Fall 1995): 149-71; Theodore Steinberg, Nature Incorporated: Industrialization and the Waters of New England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 205-39. In addition to reading the British river pollution reports, the first chairman of the state's board of health visited England in 1870 to investigate conditions there. See Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 153.
58. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 7 (1876): 285. On the Massachusetts response to river pollution in the late nineteenth century, see John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth Century Southern New England," Journal of Social History 29 (Fall 1995): 149-71; Theodore Steinberg, Nature Incorporated: Industrialization and the Waters of New England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 205-39. In addition to reading the British river pollution reports, the first chairman of the state's board of health visited England in 1870 to investigate conditions there. See Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 153.
59. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 7 (1876): 285. On the Massachusetts response to river pollution in the late nineteenth century, see John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth Century Southern New England," Journal of Social History 29 (Fall 1995): 149-71; Theodore Steinberg, Nature Incorporated: Industrialization and the Waters of New England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 205-39. In addition to reading the British river pollution reports, the first chairman of the state's board of health visited England in 1870 to investigate conditions there. See Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 153.
60. Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts 7 (1876): 285. On the Massachusetts response to river pollution in the late nineteenth century, see John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth Century Southern New England," Journal of Social History 29 (Fall 1995): 149-71; Theodore Steinberg, Nature Incorporated: Industrialization and the Waters of New England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 205-39. In addition to reading the British river pollution reports, the first chairman of the state's board of health visited England in 1870 to investigate conditions there. See Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 153.
61. Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; E. S. Atwater, The Legal Aspects of the Pollution of Streams," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 37-45; Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 177.
62. Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; E. S. Atwater, The Legal Aspects of the Pollution of Streams," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 37-45; Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 177.
63. Annual Report of the Pennsylvania State Board of Health 2 (1887): 50-86; E. S. Atwater, The Legal Aspects of the Pollution of Streams," Annual Report of the New Jersey State Board of Health 11 (1887): 37-45; Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 177.
64. James Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply to the Cities and Towns of Kansas," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 227; R. C. Kedzie, "The Work of the State Board of Health," Annual Report of the Michigan State Board of Health 6 (1878): 10. For discussions of England and Massachusetts as examplars, see Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply," 230-34, and Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," 200, 209-14, 217-18.
65. James Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply to the Cities and Towns of Kansas," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 227; R. C. Kedzie, "The Work of the State Board of Health," Annual Report of the Michigan State Board of Health 6 (1878): 10. For discussions of England and Massachusetts as examplars, see Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply," 230-34, and Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," 200, 209-14, 217-18.
66. James Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply to the Cities and Towns of Kansas," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 227; R. C. Kedzie, "The Work of the State Board of Health," Annual Report of the Michigan State Board of Health 6 (1878): 10. For discussions of England and Massachusetts as examplars, see Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply," 230-34, and Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," 200, 209-14, 217-18.
67. James Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply to the Cities and Towns of Kansas," Annual Report of the Kansas State Board of Health 2 (1886): 227; R. C. Kedzie, "The Work of the State Board of Health," Annual Report of the Michigan State Board of Health 6 (1878): 10. For discussions of England and Massachusetts as examplars, see Humphrey, "The Relations of the Water Supply," 230-34, and Dickinson, "Water Supply and its Relation to Health and Disease," 200, 209-14, 217-18.
68. In addition to the references cited in note 16, see Joel A. Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health: Some Historical Notes, Part I, 1876-1932," American Journal of Public Health 75 (1985): 1059-67; Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 149-71; Craig E. Colten, "Illinois River Pollution Control, 1900-1970," in Lary M. Dilsaver and Craig E. Colten, eds., The American Environment: Interpretations of Past Geographies (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 1992), 193-214; Andrew Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands: Oil Pollution in New York City, 1870-1900," Journal of Urban History 20 (May 1994): 340-64; Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," 117-31.
69. In addition to the references cited in note 16, see Joel A. Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health: Some Historical Notes, Part I, 1876-1932," American Journal of Public Health 75 (1985): 1059-67; Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 149-71; Craig E. Colten, "Illinois River Pollution Control, 1900-1970," in Lary M. Dilsaver and Craig E. Colten, eds., The American Environment: Interpretations of Past Geographies (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 1992), 193-214; Andrew Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands: Oil Pollution in New York City, 1870-1900," Journal of Urban History 20 (May 1994): 340-64; Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," 117-31.
70. In addition to the references cited in note 16, see Joel A. Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health: Some Historical Notes, Part I, 1876-1932," American Journal of Public Health 75 (1985): 1059-67; Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 149-71; Craig E. Colten, "Illinois River Pollution Control, 1900-1970," in Lary M. Dilsaver and Craig E. Colten, eds., The American Environment: Interpretations of Past Geographies (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 1992), 193-214; Andrew Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands: Oil Pollution in New York City, 1870-1900," Journal of Urban History 20 (May 1994): 340-64; Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," 117-31.
71. In addition to the references cited in note 16, see Joel A. Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health: Some Historical Notes, Part I, 1876-1932," American Journal of Public Health 75 (1985): 1059-67; Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 149-71; Craig E. Colten, "Illinois River Pollution Control, 1900-1970," in Lary M. Dilsaver and Craig E. Colten, eds., The American Environment: Interpretations of Past Geographies (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 1992), 193-214; Andrew Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands: Oil Pollution in New York City, 1870-1900," Journal of Urban History 20 (May 1994): 340-64; Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," 117-31.
72. In addition to the references cited in note 16, see Joel A. Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health: Some Historical Notes, Part I, 1876-1932," American Journal of Public Health 75 (1985): 1059-67; Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?," 149-71; Craig E. Colten, "Illinois River Pollution Control, 1900-1970," in Lary M. Dilsaver and Craig E. Colten, eds., The American Environment: Interpretations of Past Geographies (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 1992), 193-214; Andrew Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands: Oil Pollution in New York City, 1870-1900," Journal of Urban History 20 (May 1994): 340-64; Pisani, "Fish Culture and the Dawn of Concern over Water Pollution in the United States," 117-31.
73. For the quotation, sec Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 187. Decades later, public health officials still made similar arguments. See the discussion of Earle Phelps' 1925 public health text in Christopher Sellers, "Factory as Environment: Industrial Hygiene, Professional Collaboration and the Modern Sciences of Pollution," Environmental History Review 18 (Spring 1994): 71. Even the few public officials who were concerned about industrial pollution acknowledged that most authorities did not share their concern. See, for example, M. O. Leighton, "Industrial Wastes and their Sanitary Significance," Public Health: Reports and Papers of the American Public Health Association 31 (1905): 29.
74. For the quotation, sec Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 187. Decades later, public health officials still made similar arguments. See the discussion of Earle Phelps' 1925 public health text in Christopher Sellers, "Factory as Environment: Industrial Hygiene, Professional Collaboration and the Modern Sciences of Pollution," Environmental History Review 18 (Spring 1994): 71. Even the few public officials who were concerned about industrial pollution acknowledged that most authorities did not share their concern. See, for example, M. O. Leighton, "Industrial Wastes and their Sanitary Significance," Public Health: Reports and Papers of the American Public Health Association 31 (1905): 29.
75. For the quotation, sec Williston, "Report on Rivers Pollution," 187. Decades later, public health officials still made similar arguments. See the discussion of Earle Phelps' 1925 public health text in Christopher Sellers, "Factory as Environment: Industrial Hygiene, Professional Collaboration and the Modern Sciences of Pollution," Environmental History Review 18 (Spring 1994): 71. Even the few public officials who were concerned about industrial pollution acknowledged that most authorities did not share their concern. See, for example, M. O. Leighton, "Industrial Wastes and their Sanitary Significance," Public Health: Reports and Papers of the American Public Health Association 31 (1905): 29.
76. Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," 21; Philip V. Scarpino, Great River: An Environmental History of the Upper Mississippi, 1890-1950 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1985, 127.
77. Mather, "Poisoning and Obstructing the Waters," 21; Philip V. Scarpino, Great River: An Environmental History of the Upper Mississippi, 1890-1950 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1985, 127.
78. Paul Hansen, "The Control of Stream Pollution." American City 10 (1914): 65-69. In addition, see Tarr, Yosie, and McCurley, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy," 433. The state of Pennsylvania adopted a three-class system for regulating river pollution in the early 1920s, and the system soon became a model, in class C, streams could have levels of pollution which made them unfit for fish and for human recreational use. See Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health," 1061-62.
79. Paul Hansen, "The Control of Stream Pollution." American City 10 (1914): 65-69. In addition, see Tarr, Yosie, and McCurley, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy," 433. The state of Pennsylvania adopted a three-class system for regulating river pollution in the early 1920s, and the system soon became a model, in class C, streams could have levels of pollution which made them unfit for fish and for human recreational use. See Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health," 1061-62.
80. Paul Hansen, "The Control of Stream Pollution." American City 10 (1914): 65-69. In addition, see Tarr, Yosie, and McCurley, "Disputes over Water Quality Policy," 433. The state of Pennsylvania adopted a three-class system for regulating river pollution in the early 1920s, and the system soon became a model, in class C, streams could have levels of pollution which made them unfit for fish and for human recreational use. See Tarr, "Industrial Wastes and Public Health," 1061-62.
81. The Supreme Court decision is cited in M.-L. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin, 1890-1930," Technology and Culture 34 (July 1903): 587. For a similar example from a 1909 case, see Duane A. Smith, Mining America: The Industry and the Environment, 1800-1980 (1987: reprint, Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1993).
82. The Supreme Court decision is cited in M.-L. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin, 1890-1930," Technology and Culture 34 (July 1903): 587. For a similar example from a 1909 case, see Duane A. Smith, Mining America: The Industry and the Environment, 1800-1980 (1987: reprint, Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1993).
83. The Chicago study is Chicago Association of Commerce, Smoke Abatement and Electrification of Railway Terminals in Chicago (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1915).
84. The Reader's Guide for the 1890s has entries under "air pollution," but that work - the Nineteenth Century Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature, 1800-1899, 2 vols. (New York: H. W. Wilson and Company, 1944) - was not published until a half-century later. The 1931 New York Times Index entry was a cross-reference to "smoke nuisance" - the first full entry under "air pollution" was in 1935. The indexes from June 1905 to January 1913 also have "air pollution" headings, but those indexes were compiled in the 1960s and 1970s. For examples of "air pollution" studies in the 1930s, see the references in K. William Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise (1950; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 70, 74, 77; and Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 74, 83 (notes 100, 102). The debate about renaming the Smoke Prevention Association is described in William G. Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association 10 (1960): 131-34.
85. The Reader's Guide for the 1890s has entries under "air pollution," but that work - the Nineteenth Century Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature, 1800-1899, 2 vols. (New York: H. W. Wilson and Company, 1944) - was not published until a half-century later. The 1931 New York Times Index entry was a cross-reference to "smoke nuisance" - the first full entry under "air pollution" was in 1935. The indexes from June 1905 to January 1913 also have "air pollution" headings, but those indexes were compiled in the 1960s and 1970s. For examples of "air pollution" studies in the 1930s, see the references in K. William Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise (1950; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 70, 74, 77; and Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 74, 83 (notes 100, 102). The debate about renaming the Smoke Prevention Association is described in William G. Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association 10 (1960): 131-34.
86. The Reader's Guide for the 1890s has entries under "air pollution," but that work - the Nineteenth Century Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature, 1800-1899, 2 vols. (New York: H. W. Wilson and Company, 1944) - was not published until a half-century later. The 1931 New York Times Index entry was a cross-reference to "smoke nuisance" - the first full entry under "air pollution" was in 1935. The indexes from June 1905 to January 1913 also have "air pollution" headings, but those indexes were compiled in the 1960s and 1970s. For examples of "air pollution" studies in the 1930s, see the references in K. William Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise (1950; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 70, 74, 77; and Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 74, 83 (notes 100, 102). The
87. The Reader's Guide for the 1890s has entries under "air pollution," but that work - the Nineteenth Century Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature, 1800-1899, 2 vols. (New York: H. W. Wilson and Company, 1944) - was not published until a half-century later. The 1931 New York Times Index entry was a cross-reference to "smoke nuisance" - the first full entry under "air pollution" was in 1935. The indexes from June 1905 to January 1913 also have "air pollution" headings, but those indexes were compiled in the 1960s and 1970s. For examples of "air pollution" studies in the 1930s, see the references in K. William Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise (1950; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 70, 74, 77; and Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 74, 83 (notes 100, 102). The debate about renaming the Smoke Prevention Association is described in William G. Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association 10 (1960): 131-34.
88. The Reader's Guide for the 1890s has entries under "air pollution," but that work - the Nineteenth Century Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature, 1800-1899, 2 vols. (New York: H. W. Wilson and Company, 1944) - was not published until a half-century later. The 1931 New York Times Index entry was a cross-reference to "smoke nuisance" - the first full entry under "air pollution" was in 1935. The indexes from June 1905 to January 1913 also have "air pollution" headings, but those indexes were compiled in the 1960s and 1970s. For examples of "air pollution" studies in the 1930s, see the references in K. William Kapp, The Social Costs of Private Enterprise (1950; reprint, New York: Schocken Books, 1971), 70, 74, 77; and Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 74, 83 (notes 100, 102). The debate about renaming the Smoke Prevention Association is described in William G. Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," Journal of the Air Pollution Control Association 10 (1960): 131-34.
89. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
90. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
91. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
92. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
93. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
94. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
95. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
96. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
97. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
98. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
99. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
100. For the quotations, see Harold L. Platt, "Invisible Gases: Smoke, Gender, and the Redefinition of Environmental Policy in Chicago, 1900-1920," Planning Perspectives 10 (January 1995), 82; Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 129. Both Platt and Grinder point to gender and occupational divisions among antismoke activists, and I am much indebted to their work. I disagree, however, with Platt's conclusions about the views of doctors. Though acknowledging that some doctors joined with women in condemning smoke on moral grounds, Platt argues that a majority in the medical profession dismissed the moral argument against smoke as an "unscientific" affront to expert authority. But Platt does not distinguish between public health officials and doctors in private practice. With the rise of the "new" public health after 1900, as Platt argues, many public health officials abandoned environmental reform: instead, they began to attack specific bacterial agents of disease. But many doctors continued to attack smoke. From 1905 to 1915, for example, the Journal of the American Medical Association [hereafter JAMA] regularly published editorials, ar-tides, and medical society reports about the threat air pollution posed to the citizens of cities. See, for example, JAMA 44 (1905): 1619-20; 47 (1906): 41, 383-84; 49 (1907): 813-15; 51 (1908): 1340, 1815; 52 (1909): 1765; 61 (1913): 125; 65 (1915): 1574-75. For the ideological underpinnings of the anti-pollution campaigns of women, see also Suellen M. Hoy, " 'Municipal Housekeeping': The Role of Women in Improving Urban Sanitation Practices," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 173-98; and Maureen A. Flanagan, "The City Profitable, The City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (January 1996): 163-90.
101. R. Dale Grinder, "The Battle for Clean Air: The Smoke Problem in Post-Civil War America," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 86; Herbert M. Wilson, "Smoke Worse than Fire," American City 4 (1911): 210-12; Herbert M. Wilson, "The Cure for the Smoke Evil," American City 4 (1911): 263-67.
102. R. Dale Grinder, "The Battle for Clean Air: The Smoke Problem in Post-Civil War America," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 86; Herbert M. Wilson, "Smoke Worse than Fire," American City 4 (1911): 210-12; Herbert M. Wilson, "The Cure for the Smoke Evil," American City 4 (1911): 263-67.
103. R. Dale Grinder, "The Battle for Clean Air: The Smoke Problem in Post-Civil War America," in Melosi, ed., Pollution and Reform, 86; Herbert M. Wilson, "Smoke Worse than Fire," American City 4 (1911): 210-12; Herbert M. Wilson, "The Cure for the Smoke Evil," American City 4 (1911): 263-67.
104. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 103; Charles Rolleston, "The Smoke Plague," Westminster Review 168 (1907): 155-62; "The Exorcism of the Smoke Fiend," Review of Reviews 2 (July 1890): 29, which quotes an article on "The Smoke Plague and its Remedy," For Simon's testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on Noxious Vapours, British Parliamentary Papers XLIV (1878): 26-27.
105. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 103; Charles Rolleston, "The Smoke Plague," Westminster Review 168 (1907): 155-62; "The Exorcism of the Smoke Fiend," Review of Reviews 2 (July 1890): 29, which quotes an article on "The Smoke Plague and its Remedy," For Simon's testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on Noxious Vapours, British Parliamentary Papers XLIV (1878): 26-27.
106. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 103; Charles Rolleston, "The Smoke Plague," Westminster Review 168 (1907): 155-62; "The Exorcism of the Smoke Fiend," Review of Reviews 2 (July 1890): 29, which quotes an article on "The Smoke Plague and its Remedy," For Simon's testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on Noxious Vapours, British Parliamentary Papers XLIV (1878): 26-27.
107. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 103; Charles Rolleston, "The Smoke Plague," Westminster Review 168 (1907): 155-62; "The Exorcism of the Smoke Fiend," Review of Reviews 2 (July 1890): 29, which quotes an article on "The Smoke Plague and its Remedy," For Simon's testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on Noxious Vapours, British Parliamentary Papers XLIV (1878): 26-27.
108. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 103; Charles Rolleston, "The Smoke Plague," Westminster Review 168 (1907): 155-62; "The Exorcism of the Smoke Fiend," Review of Reviews 2 (July 1890): 29, which quotes an article on "The Smoke Plague and its Remedy," For Simon's testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on Noxious Vapours, British Parliamentary Papers XLIV (1878): 26-27.
109. "Smoke," JAMA 44 (1905), 1619. For the early history of industrial hygiene, see Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 55-83. On lead, see David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, " 'A Gift of God'?: The Public Health Controversy over Leaded Gasoline during the 1920s," in Rosner and Markowitz, eds., Dying for Work: Workers' Safety and Health in Twentieth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 121-39. In addition, see Joel A. Tarr, "The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Air, Land, and Water Pollution in Historical Perspective," Records of the Columbia Historical Society 51 (1984): 9 (note 27), which shows that uncertainty about the danger of air pollution continued into the interwar years.
110. "Smoke," JAMA 44 (1905), 1619. For the early history of industrial hygiene, see Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 55-83. On lead, see David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, " 'A Gift of God'?: The Public Health Controversy over Leaded Gasoline during the 1920s," in Rosner and Markowitz, eds., Dying for Work: Workers' Safety and Health in Twentieth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 121-39. In addition, see Joel A. Tarr, "The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Air, Land, and Water Pollution in Historical Perspective," Records of the Columbia Historical Society 51 (1984): 9 (note 27), which shows that uncertainty about the danger of air pollution continued into the interwar years.
111. "Smoke," JAMA 44 (1905), 1619. For the early history of industrial hygiene, see Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 55-83. On lead, see David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, " 'A Gift of God'?: The Public Health Controversy over Leaded Gasoline during the 1920s," in Rosner and Markowitz, eds., Dying for Work: Workers' Safety and Health in Twentieth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 121-39. In addition, see Joel A. Tarr, "The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Air, Land, and Water Pollution in Historical Perspective," Records of the Columbia Historical Society 51 (1984): 9 (note 27), which shows that uncertainty about the danger of air pollution continued into the interwar years.
112. "Smoke," JAMA 44 (1905), 1619. For the early history of industrial hygiene, see Sellers, "Factory as Environment," 55-83. On lead, see David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, " 'A Gift of God'?: The Public Health Controversy over Leaded Gasoline during the 1920s," in Rosner and Markowitz, eds., Dying for Work: Workers' Safety and Health in Twentieth-Century America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 121-39. In addition, see Joel A. Tarr, "The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Air, Land, and Water Pollution in Historical Perspective," Records of the Columbia Historical Society 51 (1984): 9 (note 27), which shows that uncertainty about the danger of air pollution continued into the interwar years.
113. See, for example, David Townsend, "The Smoke Problem," Cassier's Magazine 32 (1907): 539-43; "Fortunes that Have Literally Gone Up in Smoke," Current Opinion 54 (1913): 72-73. For the period before 1915, the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature lists six articles with "the smoke problem" in the title, and Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," cites numerous articles and addresses which use that phrase; see especially paces 36-39 and 116-34. In addition, see Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," 126-127.
114. See, for example, David Townsend, "The Smoke Problem," Cassier's Magazine 32 (1907): 539-43; "Fortunes that Have Literally Gone Up in Smoke," Current Opinion 54 (1913): 72-73. For the period before 1915, the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature lists six articles with "the smoke problem" in the title, and Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," cites numerous articles and addresses which use that phrase; see especially paces 36-39 and 116-34. In addition, see Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," 126-127.
115. See, for example, David Townsend, "The Smoke Problem," Cassier's Magazine 32 (1907): 539-43; "Fortunes that Have Literally Gone Up in Smoke," Current Opinion 54 (1913): 72-73. For the period before 1915, the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature lists six articles with "the smoke problem" in the title, and Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," cites numerous articles and addresses which use that phrase; see especially paces 36-39 and 116-34. In addition, see Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," 126-127.
116. See, for example, David Townsend, "The Smoke Problem," Cassier's Magazine 32 (1907): 539-43; "Fortunes that Have Literally Gone Up in Smoke," Current Opinion 54 (1913): 72-73. For the period before 1915, the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature lists six articles with "the smoke problem" in the title, and Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," cites numerous articles and addresses which use that phrase; see especially paces 36-39 and 116-34. In addition, see Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," 126-127.
117. Judith Walzer Leavitt. The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 58; Arthur Hollick, "Report of the Committee on Effluvium Nuisances," Annual Report of the New York State Board of Health 4 (1884): 229-48. On the tie between stench and sickness, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-539, Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-28.
118. Judith Walzer Leavitt. The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 58; Arthur Hollick, "Report of the Committee on Effluvium Nuisances," Annual Report of the New York State Board of Health 4 (1884): 229-48. On the tie between stench and sickness, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-539, Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-28.
119. Judith Walzer Leavitt. The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 58; Arthur Hollick, "Report of the Committee on Effluvium Nuisances," Annual Report of the New York State Board of Health 4 (1884): 229-48. On the tie between stench and sickness, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-539, Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-28.
120. Judith Walzer Leavitt. The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 58; Arthur Hollick, "Report of the Committee on Effluvium Nuisances," Annual Report of the New York State Board of Health 4 (1884): 229-48. On the tie between stench and sickness, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-539, Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 111-28.
121. For a good overview of the law of nuisance in the nineteenth century, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57.
122. Charles V. Chapin, Municipal Sanitation in the united States (Providence, R.I.: Snow & Farnham, 1901), 108-219.
123. Tarr, "The Search for the Ultimate Sink," 10;
124. Christy, "History of the Air Pollution Control Association," 126.
125. For the Kansas City ordinance, see Chapin, Municipal Sanitation, 216.
126. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
127. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
128. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
129. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
130. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
131. The literature on nuisance law is extensive. For a good introduction to the traditional interpretation, see three works by Jan G. Laitos: "The Social and Economic Roots of Judge-Made Air Pollution Policy in Wisconsin," Marquette Law Review 58 (1975): 465-515; "Legal Institutions and Pollution: Some Intersections Between Law and History," Natural Re-sources Journal 15 (1975): 423-51; "Continuities from the Past Affecting Resource Use and Conservation Patterns," Oklahoma Law Review 28 (1975): 60-96. In addition, see Schultz, Constructing Urban Culture, 35-57. Rosen summarizes her findings in "Differing Perceptions of the Value of Pollution Abatement Across Time and Space: Balancing Doctrine in Pollution Nuisance Law, 1840-1906," Law and History Review 11 (1993): 903-81. In addition, see Martin V. Melosi, "Hazardous Wastes and Environmental Liability: An Historical Perspective," Houston Law Review 25 (1988): 741-79.
132. Smith, Mining America, 95. Earl Finbar Murphy makes a similar argument about common-law remedies for water pollution: "The official dogma of the nineteenth century asserted that there were few problems in water pollution and that the courts could settle these." See Water Purity: A Study in Legal Control of Natural Resources (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961), 66.
133. Smith, Mining America, 95. Earl Finbar Murphy makes a similar argument about common-law remedies for water pollution: "The official dogma of the nineteenth century asserted that there were few problems in water pollution and that the courts could settle these." See Water Purity: A Study in Legal Control of Natural Resources (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961), 66.
134. Jon A. Peterson, The City Beautiful Movement: Forgotten Origins and Lost Meanings," Journal of Urban History 2 (1976): 415-34. For the various "nuisances," see "The Noise Nuisance," Current Literature 29 (1900): 508; Arthur H. Blanchard, "Dust Prevention by the Use of Palliatives," American City 8 (1913): 293-97;
135. Jon A. Peterson, The City Beautiful Movement: Forgotten Origins and Lost Meanings," Journal of Urban History 2 (1976): 415-34. For the various "nuisances," see "The Noise Nuisance," Current Literature 29 (1900): 508; Arthur H. Blanchard, "Dust Prevention by the Use of Palliatives," American City 8 (1913): 293-97;
136. Jon A. Peterson, The City Beautiful Movement: Forgotten Origins and Lost Meanings," Journal of Urban History 2 (1976): 415-34. For the various "nuisances," see "The Noise Nuisance," Current Literature 29 (1900): 508; Arthur H. Blanchard, "Dust Prevention by the Use of Palliatives," American City 8 (1913): 293-97;
137. C. F. Lawton, "Dust Prevention in Winter and Summer," American City 10 (1914): 272-75;
138. Sylvester Baxter, "The Nuisance of Advertising," Century Magazine 73 (1907): 419-30;
139. Harry F. Lake, "The Billboard Nuisance," American City 3 (1910): 219-24.
140. In addition, see Morgan, "America's First Environmental Challenge," 96-98, 101-102;
141. Melosi, "Environmental Crisis in the City," 18;
142. Smilor, Toward an Environmental Perspective," 135-51;
143. William H. Wilson, "The Billboard: Bane of the City Beautiful," Journal of Urban History 13 (1987): 394-425.
144. Charles Mulford Robinson, The Improvement of Towns and Cities, or the Practical Basis of Civic Aesthetics (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901). 55-93. For examples from the periodical literature, see Richard Olding Beard, "Health and Art in Municipal Life," American City 2 (1910): 71-75; "The City Beautiful: Recent Endeavors Toward Civic Improvement," Current Literarure 32 (1902): 418-23.
145. Charles Mulford Robinson, The Improvement of Towns and Cities, or the Practical Basis of Civic Aesthetics (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901). 55-93. For examples from the periodical literature, see Richard Olding Beard, "Health and Art in Municipal Life," American City 2 (1910): 71-75; "The City Beautiful: Recent Endeavors Toward Civic Improvement," Current Literarure 32 (1902): 418-23.
146. Charles Mulford Robinson, The Improvement of Towns and Cities, or the Practical Basis of Civic Aesthetics (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901). 55-93. For examples from the periodical literature, see Richard Olding Beard, "Health and Art in Municipal Life," American City 2 (1910): 71-75; "The City Beautiful: Recent Endeavors Toward Civic Improvement," Current Literarure 32 (1902): 418-23.
147. Lake, "The Billboard Nuisance," 219-24.
148. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 28, 54-55, 103-104; Platt, "Invisible Gases," 79. In a 1903 essay about the influence of the Columbian Exposition in Chicago, a past president of the American League for Civic Improvement, Charles Zueblin, argued that the exposition's White City continued to inspire antismoke activists. See " The White City' and After," Chautauquan 38 (1903): 375. In his concluding paragraph, Zueblin also used the phrase "polluted air and water" - the first reference I have found of that sort.
149. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 28, 54-55, 103-104; Platt, "Invisible Gases," 79. In a 1903 essay about the influence of the Columbian Exposition in Chicago, a past president of the American League for Civic Improvement, Charles Zueblin, argued that the exposition's White City continued to inspire antismoke activists. See " The White City' and After," Chautauquan 38 (1903): 375. In his concluding paragraph, Zueblin also used the phrase "polluted air and water" - the first reference I have found of that sort.
150. Grinder, "The Anti Smoke Crusades," 28, 54-55, 103-104; Platt, "Invisible Gases," 79. In a 1903 essay about the influence of the Columbian Exposition in Chicago, a past president of the American League for Civic Improvement, Charles Zueblin, argued that the exposition's White City continued to inspire antismoke activists. See " The White City' and After," Chautauquan 38 (1903): 375. In his concluding paragraph, Zueblin also used the phrase "polluted air and water" - the first reference I have found of that sort.
151. The literature on the British response to air pollution is extensive. For a good short interpretation, see Wohl, Endangered Lives, 205-32.
152. Craig E. Colten, "Environmental Development in the East St. Louis Region, 1890-1970," Environmental History Review 14 (Spring/Summer 1990): 92-114; Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands," 34064.
153. Craig E. Colten, "Environmental Development in the East St. Louis Region, 1890-1970," Environmental History Review 14 (Spring/Summer 1990): 92-114; Hurley, "Creating Ecological Wastelands," 34064.
154. For the quotation, see A. E. Dingle, " The Monster Nuisance of All': Landowners, Alkali Manufacturers, and Air Pollution, 1828-64," Economic History Review 35 (1982): 532.
155. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin," 599, 601. On the devastation wrought by smelter pollution, see also Smith, Mining America, 74-80, 94-101; John E. Lamborn and Charles S. Peterson, "The Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25. For articles which defined air pollution strictly as an urban problem, see Hollis Godfrey, "The Air of the City," Atlantic Monthly 102 (July 1908): 62-71; G. H. Bailey, "The Air of Large Towns," Science 22 (1893): 197-98.
156. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin," 599, 601. On the devastation wrought by smelter pollution, see also Smith, Mining America, 74-80, 94-101; John E. Lamborn and Charles S. Peterson, "The Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25. For articles which defined air pollution strictly as an urban problem, see Hollis Godfrey, "The Air of the City," Atlantic Monthly 102 (July 1908): 62-71; G. H. Bailey, "The Air of Large Towns," Science 22 (1893): 197-98.
157. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin," 599, 601. On the devastation wrought by smelter pollution, see also Smith, Mining America, 74-80, 94-101; John E. Lamborn and Charles S. Peterson, "The Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25. For articles which defined air pollution strictly as an urban problem, see Hollis Godfrey, "The Air of the City," Atlantic Monthly 102 (July 1908): 62-71; G. H. Bailey, "The Air of Large Towns," Science 22 (1893): 197-98.
158. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin," 599, 601. On the devastation wrought by smelter pollution, see also Smith, Mining America, 74-80, 94-101; John E. Lamborn and Charles S. Peterson, "The Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25. For articles which defined air pollution strictly as an urban problem, see Hollis Godfrey, "The Air of the City," Atlantic Monthly 102 (July 1908): 62-71; G. H. Bailey, "The Air of Large Towns," Science 22 (1893): 197-98.
159. Quinn, "Industry and Environment in the Appalachian Copper Basin," 599, 601. On the devastation wrought by smelter pollution, see also Smith, Mining America, 74-80, 94-101; John E. Lamborn and Charles S. Peterson, "The Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25. For articles which defined air pollution strictly as an urban problem, see Hollis Godfrey, "The Air of the City," Atlantic Monthly 102 (July 1908): 62-71; G. H. Bailey, "The Air of Large Towns," Science 22 (1893): 197-98.
160. Hurley cites an 1881 Harper's Weekly series on oil pollution which included a classic muck-raking cartoon: "In the drawing," he writes, "three demons representing the manufacturers hovered over a young woman on her sick bed, blowing smoke in her face and dangling a bowl of sludge acid from above. To demonstrate that all hope was not lost, the cartoonist inserted two journalists dressed as warriors in the doorway." See "Creating Ecological Wastelands," 350. In two book-length studies of muckraking after 1900, however, I found no mention of attacks on pollution; see Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976); and C. C. Regier, The Era of the Muckrakers (1932; reprint, Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1957).
161. Hurley cites an 1881 Harper's Weekly series on oil pollution which included a classic muck-raking cartoon: "In the drawing," he writes, "three demons representing the manufacturers hovered over a young woman on her sick bed, blowing smoke in her face and dangling a bowl of sludge acid from above. To demonstrate that all hope was not lost, the cartoonist inserted two journalists dressed as warriors in the doorway." See "Creating Ecological Wastelands," 350. In two book-length studies of muckraking after 1900, however, I found no mention of attacks on pollution; see Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976); and C. C. Regier, The Era of the Muckrakers (1932; reprint, Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1957).
162. Hurley cites an 1881 Harper's Weekly series on oil pollution which included a classic muck-raking cartoon: "In the drawing," he writes, "three demons representing the manufacturers hovered over a young woman on her sick bed, blowing smoke in her face and dangling a bowl of sludge acid from above. To demonstrate that all hope was not lost, the cartoonist inserted two journalists dressed as warriors in the doorway." See "Creating Ecological Wastelands," 350. In two book-length studies of muckraking after 1900, however, I found no mention of attacks on pollution; see Louis Filler, The Muckrakers (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976); and C. C. Regier, The Era of the Muckrakers (1932; reprint, Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1957).
163. In "Factory as Environment," Sellers addresses this question for the period after World War I. He argues that scientific research on water and air pollution in the 19205 sprang from two professional schools, the first rooted in the biological analyses of the public health movement and the second rooted in the new chemistry-based science of industrial hygiene.
164. For the anti-pollution efforts of outdoor enthusiasts, see Scarpino, Great River, 114-50. On the protests against oil pollution, see "Letting the Grandchildren Do It: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (Summer 1980): 31-41; Joseph A. Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Response to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1978): 10-14. Joel A. Tarr and Bill C. Lamperes describe the St. Louis and Pittsburgh campaigns in "Changing Fuel Use Behavior and Energy Transitions: The Pittsburgh Smoke Control Movement, 1940-1950," Journal of Social History 14 (1981): 561-88.
165. For the anti-pollution efforts of outdoor enthusiasts, see Scarpino, Great River, 114-50. On the protests against oil pollution, see "Letting the Grandchildren Do It: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (Summer 1980): 31-41; Joseph A. Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Response to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1978): 10-14. Joel A. Tarr and Bill C. Lamperes describe the St. Louis and Pittsburgh campaigns in "Changing Fuel Use Behavior and Energy Transitions: The Pittsburgh Smoke Control Movement, 1940-1950," Journal of Social History 14 (1981): 561-88.
166. For the anti-pollution efforts of outdoor enthusiasts, see Scarpino, Great River, 114-50. On the protests against oil pollution, see "Letting the Grandchildren Do It: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (Summer 1980): 31-41; Joseph A. Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Response to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1978): 10-14. Joel A. Tarr and Bill C. Lamperes describe the St. Louis and Pittsburgh campaigns in "Changing Fuel Use Behavior and Energy Transitions: The Pittsburgh Smoke Control Movement, 1940-1950," Journal of Social History 14 (1981): 561-88.
167. For the anti-pollution efforts of outdoor enthusiasts, see Scarpino, Great River, 114-50. On the protests against oil pollution, see "Letting the Grandchildren Do It: Environmental Planning During the Ascent of Oil as a Major Energy Source," Public Historian 2 (Summer 1980): 31-41; Joseph A. Pratt, "Growth or a Clean Environment? Response to Petroleum-Related Pollution in the Gulf Coast Refining Region," Business History Review 52 (1978): 10-14. Joel A. Tarr and Bill C. Lamperes describe the St. Louis and Pittsburgh campaigns in "Changing Fuel Use Behavior and Energy Transitions: The Pittsburgh Smoke Control Movement, 1940-1950," Journal of Social History 14 (1981): 561-88.