The shiring of east Anglia: An alternative hypothesis

Historical Research

Volumn 81, Issue 211, 2008, Pages 1-27

  Marten, Lucy ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF EAST ANGLIA   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 57749142061     PISSN: 09503471     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (177)

1. See, e.g., L.J. Abrarns. 'Edward the Elder's Danelaw', in Edward the Elder, 899-924. ed. I © Institute of Historical Research 2006. N. J. I-Iigham and D. H. Hill (2001), pp. 128-43. at pp. 129-39
2. P. Wormald. 'On da wæpnedhealfe: kingship and royal property from .Æthelwulf to Edward the Elder', in Higham and Hill, pp. 246-79. at p. 275
3. D. Roffe. 'Introduction to the Norfolk Domesday", in Little Domesday Book: Notfolk, ed. R. W. H. Erskine and A. Williams (2000), p. 1
4. P. Stafford, 'lite East Midlands in the Early Middle Ages (Leicester. 1985), pp. 138-9
5. The first documentary reference to either county appears in the will of Thurstan. son of Wine, dated c. 1044 (13. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills (Cambridge, 1930) (hereafter Whitelock. A.S.W.), no. 31
6. P. H. Sawyer. Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography, ed. S. Kelly and others (rev. edn., 1968), no. 1531 (also available online [19 Apr. 2006])). It is possible that the division between Norfolk and Suffolk (essentially along the rivers Waveney and Ouse) re-used part of a boundary line that demarcated the division of the episcopal see c.673. The site of neither sedes (at Dumnoc and Elmhani) can be clearly identified. The century-long break in the East Anglian episcopacy during the period of Danish rule seems to have been decisive and when die bishopric reappeared in the documentary record it was as a single see (J, Campbell, 'The East Anglian sees before the Conquest', in Norwich Cathedral: Church, City and Diocese, iog6̃igg6, ed. I. Atherton and others (1996). pp. 3-21)
7. On the Norfolk/Suffolk border, the large minster parish of Mendham was divided by the county border {Little Domesday Book: a Facsimile, ed. A. Williams and G. H. Martin (2000) (hereafter L.D.B.), fos. 195V, 2iov (Norfolk), 310V. 329V, 349, 355V, 368, 379V (Suffolk))
8. E.g., Nayland lay in Essex, but was geldable in Suffolk (L.D.B., fos. 47. 401V): parts of the Essex viil of Toppesfield were recorded in Suffolk (fo. 372V) and the Norfolk parish and town of Diss was recorded under the Suffolk hundred rubric of Hartismere (fo. 282), while the entries for Knettishall were split between the two counties (fos. 12or-v, 321, 367V, 448V)
9. Twenty-four fishermen in Yarmouth (Norfolk) 'belonged' to the manor of Gorleston (Suffolk) (L.D.B.. fo. 283r-v)
10. L.D.B., fo. n8v
11. D. Hill, 'The shiring of Mercia - again', in Higham and Hill, pp. [44-59, at pp. 144-5
12. The quotation is from T. Williamson, The Origins of Norfolk (Manchester, 1993), p. 106. Very similar phraseology is used by C. R. Hart, The Danelaw (1992), p. 15
13. and Roffe. 'Introduction to the Norfolk Domesday', p. 1
14. M. R. Davidson. "The (non) submission of the northern kings in 920'. in Higham and Hill pp. 200-11, at p. 204
15. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (hereafter A.S.C.) 'A'. 918 [reac 914]. A hold is the (Scandinavian) term used to denote one who held land, ranked below a jarl
16. A.S.C. 'A'. 921 [rede 917]
17. A.S.C. 'A'. 922 [rede 918]: 924 [recte 920]. For more 011 this, see Davidson, pp. 200-11
18. A.S.C. 'A', 917
19. The Laws of the Earliest English Kings, ed. F. L. Attenborough (New York, 1963), p. 98: D. Dumville, "The treaty of Alfred and Guthrum', in D. Dumville, Wessex and England from Alfred to Edgar (Woodbndge. 1992). pp. [-27
20. A.S.C. 'A'. 905
21. II Edw. 5.2 in Attenborough. p. 121. P. Wonnaki The Making of English Law. King Alfred to the 12th Century, i: Legislation and its Limits (Oxford. 1999), pp. 438-9 believed that the fact that Edward had 'stormed through East Anglia in 916/7' would have nullified any extant 'peace-writings'. He therefore dated both law codes of Edward the Elder to before that date. In light of the evidence presented here, that dating may have to be reviewed
22. The author thanks Anm Williams for this reference
23. The '"hold-ad' can found in Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, ed. W. Stubbs (9th edn., Oxford, 1966). pp. 73-4
24. The Swerian text is discussed in Wormald, The Making of English Law. pp. 232. 242
25. and see pp. 383-4 for the possible dating range
26. A.S.C. 'A'. 905. 917
27. Canterbury Professions, ed. M. Richter (Canterbury and York Soc., Ixvii, Torquay. 1973). no. 30 (dated 942 x 936). Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church. ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett and C. N. L. Brooke (2 vols, in 4. Oxford, 1964-81), i, pt. i. pp. 81-3 dates this profession between 951 and 955 but throws doubt upon its authenticity. It is the only surviving example from the loth century (all the others are dated either 796 X 870 or are post-1070) and the bishop's name is given as 'EadwulF rather than 'AthulF. The wording is almost identical to that of Bishop Ætlielnotli of London, 805 x 811 (Richter, no. 7). The possibility is raised that the profession could have been forged during the move of the see from Elmham to Thetford and finally to Norwich, in the late 11 th century, a context within which it might have been necessary to prove that the see had been at Elinham during the archiepiscopate of Oda (942-58)
28. Bishop Athulf attests Sawyer, no. 674
29. Sawyer, no. 1526
30. Whitelock. A.S.W.. no. 1
31. Sawyer, no. 1515: Select English Historical Documents of the 9th and 10th Centuries, ed. F. E. Harmer (Cambridge, 1914), no. 21
32. A.S.C. 'D', 952
33. M. Blackburn, 'Expansion and control: aspects of Anglo-Scandinavian minting south of the number', in Vikings and the Danelaw: Select Papers from the Proceedings of the 13th Viking Congress, ed. J. Graham-Campbell and others (Oxford. 2001), pp. 125-42. at p. 138
34. S. Lyon. 'The coinage of Edward the Elder", in Higham and Hill, pp. 67-78, at p. 74
35. As an example, almost half (7 out of 16) of the 10th-century wills collected in Whitelock originate in East Aiiglia
36. A.S.C. 'D', 946. The wills of Æthelfæd. her father Ealdorman Ælfgar and her sister Ælflasd are extant (Sawyer, nos. 1494., 1483, 1086
37. Whitelock, A.S.W., nos. 14, 2, 15). All are concerned with property in East Anglia and eastern Mercia, although their religious benefaction was generally concentrated in Suffolk, either directed at the shrine of St. Edmund or the family foundation at Stoke-by-Nayland where Ælfgar's 'ancestors' were buried (see Hart. Danelaw. pp. 127-35)
38. Sawyer, no. 507. A new edition of the early charters of Bury St. Edmunds is currently being prepared by Sarah Foot and Kathryn Lowe for the British Academy. The author is grateful to Professor Foot for discussing some early findings, including their belief that this charter is genuine. See Liber Eliensis. ed. E. O. Blake (Camden 3rd ser., xcii. 1962). bk. ii, ch
39. for another contemporary example of an abbey using secular patrons to help obtain grants
40. Sawyer, no. 703: Hart, Danelaw, pp. 467-85
41. P. Stafford. Ælfhryth". in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford. 1004) [19 Apr. 2006]
42. Sawyer, no. 781
43. Liber Elicnsis, bk, ii, ch. 5 and app. D, pp. 414-15
44. Liber Eliensis. bk. ii. ch. 39
45. Sawyer. 110. 781
46. Liber Eliensis. bk. ii. ch. 39 and app. D, pp. 416-17
47. C. R. Hart, The Early Charters of Eastern England (Leicester. 1966). p. 248. The grant to Bury is noted in Cambridge University Library. MS. Ee.3.60, 'Benefactors" list" (hereafter 'Benefactors' list"), from which it was printed in F. Hervey, The Pinchbeck Register (2 vols., Oxford, 1923), ii. 282-94. Included in the 'Benefactors' list' is the note that this grant was made without a charter ('sed sine carta'), a note that Hart does not reproduce in the main text, but which appears in the 'Addenda and corrigenda' on p. 251. Many of the entries in this list can be verified from other sources; grants that appear only in this later list are so identified throughout. Bury held two carucates of land in Beccles in 1066 assessed for 30.000 herrings (L.D.B.. fos. 369V-370) and two carucates at Elmswell (L.D.B., fo. 364V). For Eadwig's coinage, see Hart, Danelaw, p. 452. n. 26 although one possible example has since been tentatively identified (Early Medieval Corpus of Coin Finds, no. 2001.0667, [19 Apr. 2006])
48. As Cyril Hart pointed out in Danelaw, p. 575. n. 20. Athelstan is not actually given a territorial designation until 1170 (Chronicon Abbatiae Ramesiensis, ed. W. Dunn Macray (Rolls ser., 1886). p. 1 1) as such appellations were not generally contemporary usage
49. For the bounds of Athelstan's territory, see Hart, Danelaw, p. 578. map 21.1
50. Liber Elicnsis, pp. xiv; bk. ii, ch. 37
51. Scule sold land at Livermere in Suffolk to a thegn named as Ælfgar of Multune which was later included in a sale to the abbey of Ely (Liber Eliensis, bk. ii, ch. 36). Scule attested Sawyer, nos. 404 (land in Gloucestershire and Worcestershire; no appellation), 407 (land in Lancashire; as dux), 412 (land in Hampshire; as dux), 413 (land in Berkshire; as dux), 416 (land in Wiltshire; as dux), 417 (land in Hampshire; as dux), 425 (land in Sussex; as dux), 434 (land in Wiltshire; as dux), 528 (land in Surrey; as dux), 544 (land in Buckinghamshire; as eorl), 550 (land in Gloucestershire; no appellation), 552a (land possibly in Essex; as eorl), 1497 (various; as dux)
52. D. Whitelock, 'The dealings of the kings of England with Northumbria in the iotli and nth centuries', in The Angle-Saxons: Studies in some Aspects of their History and Culture Presented to Bruce Dickins, ed. P. Clemoes (1959), pp. 70-88. at p. 78
53. K. Jonsson and G. van der Meer, 'Mints and moneyers, c.973-1066', in Studies in Late Anglo-Saxon Coinage in Memory of Bror Emil HUdrebrand, ed. K Jonsson (Stockholm, 1990), pp. 77, 93, 106-7
54. Sawyer, no. 1213; 'Benefactor's list', fos. 320V-321. The role of Wulfstan of Dalham in the region merits more investigation than has been possible in this article (see A. Kennedy. 'Law and litigation in the Libcllus Æthelwoldï Episcopï, Anglo-Saxon England, xxiv (1995), 131-83, at p. 146
55. and A. Warehani. Lords and Communities in Early Medieval East Anglia (Woodbridge. 2005). pp. 33-45)
56. quinque centuriatuum in Wichelauue' (Liber Eliensis, bk. ii. ch. 5)
57. J. Campbell. 'Hundreds and leets: a survey with suggestions', in Medieval East Anglia, ed. C. Harper-Bill (Woodbridge, 2005). p. 156
58. The future King Edgar was fostered in the household of Athelstan where he must have had close links with Athelstan's sons. The relationship between Athelstan and Dunstan is suggested by C. R. Hart. 'Athelstan "Half-King"
59. and his family', Anglo-Saxon England, ii (1973). pp. 115-44 (repr. in Hart. Danelaw, pp. 579-80)
60. Liber EHensis, bk. ii, ch. 41. The value of these rights did not appreciate much over the next century; in Domesday, they were said to be worth £II' (L.D.B., fo. 385V)
61. D. 1-1. Fanner. 'The progress of the monastic revival', in Tenth-Century Studies: Essays in Commemoration of the Millennium of the Council of Winchester and 'Regularis Concordia', ed. D. Parsons (1975). pp. 10-19
62. N. Banton. 'Monastic reform and the unification of 10th-century England', in Religion and National Identity, ed. S. Mews (Studies in Church Hist., xviii, Oxford, 1982), pp. 71-85
63. See, e.g., Liber Eliensis, bk. ii, chs. 35. 60-1, 65. 67, 68, 70
64. Ralph's holdings in 1075 included cornital estates, patrimonial lands and lands acquired on the deposition of Archbishop Stigand (L. Marten. 'The rebellion of 1075 and its impact in East Anglia", in Harper-Bill, Medieval East Anglia. pp. 168-83. at p. 181)
65. Cyril Hart proposed that certain estates in Essex and Huntingdonshire were used to endow-new ealdordoms after 917 (Danelaw, pp. 134-5). In contrast. Lesley Abrams pointed out that. 'In East Anglia. Edward does not seem to have received a mass of appropriations - or if he did, he failed to hold onto them for long' ('Edward the Elder's Danelaw", in Higham and Hill, p, 139)
66. The spurious foundation charter of Ramsey abbey records the donation of two small estates in Norfolk from Ealdorman Æthelwine and one from his third wife. Wulfgifu (Sawyer, no. 798). Aside from the lease of the 'Wicklaw', Æthelwine also (eventually) bought land at Wangford (Suffolk) from Ely abbey (the full story of the transaction is given in Liber Eliensis. bk. ii, ch. 27). Hart, Danelaw, pp. 569-71 and map 21.1. Part of a dispute recorded in the Liber Eliensis notes that Ealdorman Athelstan's patrimony lay in Devon (Liber Eliensis, bk. ii, ch. 7)
67. Indeed the dating, if correct, would make him the earliest known sheriff in the country. The name 'shire-reeve' is not actually known before the reign of Cnut; before that there are some references to 'high-reeves' and two Kent references to 'shire-men" dated to the reign of Edgar (J. Green, English Sheriffs to 1154 (1990), p. 9). The individual in question, Leofstan, is identified in the text as holding the office of sheriff (honore vicecomitaius)
68. De mimculis Sancti Eadmundf. in Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, i, ed. T. Arnold (1890), (hereafter De mimculis). pp. 30-2. See also A. Gransden, 'The composition and authorship of the De mimculis Sancti Eadmundi attributed to "Herman the Archdeacon"', jour. Medieval Latin. V (1995), 1-52
69. See, e.g., Green, English Sheriffs, p. 76, although Leofstan is listed with a question mark beside his name
70. See. e.g., D. Whitelock, 'Fact and fiction in the legend of St. Edmund', Proc. Suffolk Institute of Archaeol. and Hist., xxxi (1970), 217-33
71. A. Gransden, 'Baldwin, abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, 1065-97", Anglo-Norman Stud., iv (1981). 65-76
72. A. Gransden. 'Legends and traditions concerning the abbey of Bury St. Edmunds", Eng. Hist. Rev., c (1985), [-24
73. S. Ridyard, 'The cult of St. Edmund', in S. Ridyard. The Royal Saints of Anglo-Saxon England: a Study of West Saxon and East Anglian Cults (Cambridge. 1988). pp. 211-33
74. E. Cownie, "The cult of St. Edmund in the 11th and 12th centuries: the language and communication of a medieval saint's cult", Neuphilologischc Mittclungen, xcix (1998). 177-97
75. Gransden, 'Composition and authorship", pp. 10-17
76. Gransden, 'Baldwin', pp. 65-76
77. Cownie, pp. 177-80
78. R. Abels. 'Sheriffs, lord-seeking and the Norman settlement of the south-east midlands', Anglo-Norman Stud., xix (1997), 19-50
79. See, e.g., Great Domesday Book, Library Edition, ed. A. Williams and R. W. H. Erskine (6 vols., 1986-92) (hereafter G.D.B.), fo. 190
80. and Liber Eliensis, bk, ii, ch. 131. For geld, see A.S.C. 'E'. 1085 [rede 1086]. See also J. Green. 'The sheriffs of William the Conqueror", Anglo-Norman Stud., v (1983), 129-145
81. E. Amt, 'The reputation of the sheriff, 1100-1216', Haskins Society Jour., viii (1996). 91-8
82. Gransden. 'Baldwin', p. 68 states that the tale of Swein's death 'may have been invented after the conquest to strengthen the abbey's right to immunity from royal taxation'. This would seem to conflict with her more recent statement that this episode may be based upon a 'now lost work of St Edmund's miracles and cult composed late in Ethelred II's reign" (Gransden, 'Composition and authorship', p. 26). As should be evident, this author thinks that the former statement is more likely. On the theme of the deliberate construction of hagiographical texts, see also J. Paxton, 'Textual communities in the English Fenlands: a lay audience for monastic chronicles?", Anglo-Norman Stud., xxvi (2004). 123-38
83. Two writs from the time of Edward the Confessor record Emma's possession of the estate of Kirby Cane (Norfolk) 'as fully and completely as ever her retainer. Leofstan had it' (Sawyer. no. 1076) and its subsequent grant to Bury St. Edmunds (Sawyer, no. 1077)
84. C. S. Taylor. 'The origin of the Mercian shires', in Gloucestershire Studies, ed. H. P. R. Finberg (Leicester, 1957). pp. 17-51, at pp. 23-4
85. Sawyer, nos. 900, 903, 906-7, 910-12, 915-16, 918, 922, 926, 931, 933, 935. dated between 1002 and 1016. In those dated 1012 and after (Sawyer, nos. 926, 931, 933. 935) Ulfcytel attests first amongst those ranked as minister
86. While it would be wrong to place too much emphasis on the Scandinavian etymology of his name, it must be a possibility that Ulfcytel was 'employed' by Æthelred to defend vulnerable territory in the same way as Thorkell the Tall was in 1012 (Encomium Emmæ: Regimæ, ed. A. Campbell (Camden 3rd ser., lxxii. 1949; reissued 1998), app. iv, 'Supplement to the Jómsvíkinga Saga', p. 75, 11. 3). If so. this would account for his reputation in Scandinavian sources (see below) and may explain his anomalous position regarding the ealdormanry
87. A.S.C. 'E\ 1004
88. A.S.C., 'E'. 1O1O. There is the possibility, related in skaldic verse, of another Danish raid in the region, at Newemouth, Orford (Suffolk), probably in 1o11 x 1012 (R. Poole. '.Skaldic verse and Anglo-Saxon history: some aspects of the period 1009-1016'. Speculum, lxii (1987). 265-98, at pp. 268-9)
89. The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ii: the Annals from 430-1066. ed. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk (Oxford, 1995) (hereafter Chronicle of John of Worcester), p. 464: Snorri Sturluson in Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, ed. F. Jónsson. trans. S. Laing, rev. J. Simpson (1964). p. 125
90. References to Liǒsmannaflokkr are to the edition in Poole, pp. 280-5
91. A. Williams. Æthelread the Unready: the Ill-Counselled King (2003), p. 52
92. Sighvatr, Vikingavisur translated in English Historical Documents, i: c.500-1042 (1955). no. 12
93. Poole, p. 287. Ulfcytel was also mentioned in the Knútsdrá pa of Óttarr Svarti (see Poole, p. 270)
94. Campbell, Encomium Emmæ Reginæ, app. iv, p. 93: Sawyer, no. 1503
95. Whitelock, A.S.W., no. 20
96. The Battle of Maldon. ed. D. Scragg (Manchester, 1981)
97. S. Keynes. 'The declining reputation of King Æthelred the Unready", in Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. D. Hill (Oxford. 1978), pp. 227-53. See also Williams. Æthelred the Unready, pp. 50-2. for a discussion of the dating of the entries for Æthelred's reign and the differences between the various recensions. For the changing nature of the Chronicle account, see C. Clark, 'The narrative mode of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle before the Conquest", in England Before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Wriitclock, ed. P. Clemoes and K. Hughes (Cambridge, 1971). pp. 215-35 (repr. in Words, Names and History: Selected Writings of Cecily Clark, ed. P.Jackson (Woodbridge. 1995), pp. 3-19)
98. A. Williams. Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England, c.500-c.1066 (Basingstoke, 1999)- PP. 120-1
99. A.S.C. 'C'. 1011
100. Homilies of Ælfric: a Supplementary Collection, ed. J. Pope (2 vols., Early English Text Soc. old ser., cclx, 1968), ii. 728-32, quoted in S. Keynes, The Diplomas of King Æthelred 'the Unready' (978-1016): a Study in their Use as Historical Evidence (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 206-7
101. As quoted in R. Abels. Lordship and Military Obligation in Anglo-Saxon England (1988), p. 182
102. Earl Harold had it [the manor of Swineshead], except that [the men] paid geld in the hundred, and went against the enemy with them' (G.D.B.. fo. 208)
103. M, K. Lawson. Cnut: the Danes in England in the Early nth Century (1993), pp. 215, 217
104. Williams, Kingship and Government, p. 132
105. Sawyer, nos. 985. 987-8, 991: F. E. Manner. Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester, 1952), nos. 26, 29-30, 48
106. Williams, Æthelred the Unready, p. 100
107. Poole, p. 279
108. A. Crosby. A History of Thetford (Chichester, 1986). pp. 14-19
109. Williamson, pp. 134-5
110. L.D.B., fos. 118v-119. As a comparison. Norwich was also rated as a full hundred, although Ipswich was only a half-hundred, and neither Dunwich nor Bury St. Edmunds was separately rated in Domesday
111. Keynes. 'The declining reputation of Æthelred the Unready', fig. 9.2
112. The rural episcopal sees of Elmham, Lichfield, Sherbourne and Selsey 'were re-sited in "cities" in accordance with the precepts of canon law' (F. Barlow, The Feudal Kingdom of England, 1042-1216 (4th edn., 1988), p. 122)
113. L.D.B., fo. 118v divides the land in Thetford into that 'on the Norfolk side of the river' and that 'On the other, Suffolk, side [of the river]'. There is an earlier parallel. The borough of Tamworth ('often considered the "capital" of Mercia') was deliberately bisected by shire boundaries during the complete administrative restructuring of Mercia, probably during the reign of Edward the Elder (D. Hill 'The shiring of Mercia - again", p. 145)
114. D. Hill, 'An urban policy for Cnut?'. in The Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway, ed. A. Rumble (1994), pp. 101-5, at pp. 103-4
115. Williamson, p. 134
116. This is in contrast to the established settlement at Norwich and those of Ipswich and Thetford, all of which had ditch-and-bank defences in the 10th century (Williamson, pp. 134-5
117. and K. Wade. Ipswich', in The Rebirth of Towns in the West, A.D. 700-1050, ed. R. Hodges and B. Hobley (Council for British Archaeology Research Report, lxviii. 1988). pp. 93-100, at p. 97)
118. There are no imported pottery finds in 10th-century Ipswich deposits (Wade, p. 97)
119. The weight distribution of the coins . . . suggest[s] that although Thetford was more active than Norwich early in the issue. Norwich later became the more prolific mint' (M. Blackburn and S. Lyon. 'Regional die-production in Cnut's Quatrefoil issue", in Anglo-Saxon Monetary History: Essays in Memory of Michael Dolley. ed. M. A. S. Blackburn (Leicester, 1986), pp. 223-72. at p. 241). It is difficult to date the Quatrefoil issue precisely; although a commencement date of c. 1017 seems agreed upon, no definite date for the change to the Pointed Hat issue can yet be determined. In the meantime, scholars tend to follow Dolley in ascribing roughly equal periods to the coinage issues of Cnut's reign, giving a terminal date of c. 1023-4
120. Campbell, Encomium Emmæ Reginæ, pp. 20-3 (and see also S. Keynes 'Introduction to the 1998 reprint: Queen Emma and the Encomium Emmæ Reoinæ', pp. lvii-lix)
121. Williams, Æ1thclred the Unready, p. 96
122. S. Keynes, 'Cnut's earls", in Rumble, pp. 43-88. at p. 81
123. Campbell, Encomium Emmæ Reginæ. app. iv. p. 93
124. Chronicle of John of Worcester, p. 506
125. A.S.C. 'D', 1020
126. Vatican Library. MS. Reg. lat. 12, the 'Bury Psalter', fo. 16v (discussed in E. Temple, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, 900-1066 (Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, ii, 1976), pp. 100-2 and quoted in Keynes. 'Cnut's earls", p. 56, n. 65)
127. De miraculis. p. 47
128. Do miraculis, p. 40
129. Godric attests Sawyer, nos. 958 (for Ely abbey) and 984 (for St. Benet. Holme)
130. Sawyer, no. 980 for Bury St. Edmunds has an identical witness list and is not independent of the St. Benet charter (Keynes. 'Cnut's earls", pp. 76-7)
131. Sawyer, nos, 1069, 1078, 1070, recently discussed in R. Sharpe, 'The use of writs in the nth century: a hypothesis based on the archive of Bury St. Edmunds', Anglo-Saxon England, xxxii (2004). 247-91
132. Gransden. 'Baldwin', p. 72, n. 102: Gransden. 'Legends and traditions', p. 4. n. 4
133. Liber Eliensis, bk. i, ch. 1. For a similar case, see P. Wormald. 'Oswaldlow: an "immunity"?", in St. Oswald of Worcester; Life and Influence, ed. N. Brooks and C. Cubitt (Leicester, 1996). pp. 117-28
134. Sawyer, 110. 1219; 'Benefactors' list', to. 320
135. See L.D.B., fos. 309V, 361, 370, 419, for entries in Hartismere hundred: and fos. 328. 364V for those listed as in Blackbourn hundred, which lay within the liberty of St. Edmund. There is no difference in nomenclature between the two sites recorded in Domesday
136. Although Pauline Stafford repeats the statement that west Suffolk was 'a miniature shire' and thus 'a unit likely to be considerably older than the gift of it to Emma", she also notes that its unique status with its own shire court 'parallels the late development of Rutland as a shire' (P. Stafford. Queen Emma and Queen Edith: Queenship and Women's Power in 11th-Century England (Oxford, 1997), p. 133)
137. The assumption that Emma's rights over west Suffolk formed part of her dowry seems to have become accepted as 'fact' simply through the constant repetition of this statement by historians and despite the lack of contemporary evidence. H. W. C. Davis, 'The liberties of Bury St. Edmunds'. Eng. Hist. Rev., xxiv (1909). 417-31, at p. 419, suggested that it had formed part of her morning-gift; H. Cam. 'Early groups of hundreds', in Historical Essays in Honour of James Tan, ed. J. G. Edwards and others (Manchester, 1933), pp. 3-26 (repr. in H. Cam, Liberties and Communities in Medieval England (1963). pp. 91-107, at p. 100)and
138. N. Hurnard, 'The Anglo-Norman franchises'. Eng. Hist. Rev., lxiv (1949), 289-327, at p. 320, both describe the hundreds as royal dower lands
139. Harmer. Anglo-Saxon Writs, p. 145 states that they 'in all probability had been the down' of Emma', a phrase also used by Hart, Danelaw, p. 198 and M. A. Meyer, 'The queen's "demesne" in later Anglo-Saxon England', in The Culture of Christendom: Essays in Medieval History in Commemoration of Denis L. T. Bethell, ed. M. A. Meyer (1993)- PP. 79-113. at p. 84
140. Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, p. 133 repeats the assertions of previous historians
141. D. Dymond and E. Martin, An Historical Atlas of Suffolk (3rd edn., Ipswich, 1999), p. 26 also refers to the area as 'the dowry of Emma, wife of King Canute'. For land in Winchester, Exeter and Rutland where the evidence of queen's dowry is more explicit, see Meyer. 'Queen's "demesne"', pp. 87-9
142. A.S.C., 1043
143. F. Pollock and F. W. Maitland. The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I (2 vols., Cambridge. 1968). ii. 366
144. P. Stafford, Unification and Conquest: a Political and Social History of England in the 10th and 11th Centuries (1989). p. 176
145. J. Crick, 'Women, posthumous benefaction, and family strategy in pre-Conquest England", Jour. British Stud.. xxxviii (1999). 399-422. at pp. 411-12
146. and Campbell. Encomium Emma: Rcginæ, pp. xxiv-xxix
147. Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, p. 175. See also M. A. Meyer. 'Women's estates in later Anglo-Saxon England: the politics of possession', Haskins Society Jour., iii (1993 for 1991), 111-29, for a discussion on the landholdings of women (and specifically those close to the great earls) in the reign of Edward the Confessor
148. T. A. Heslop, 'The production of de luxe manuscripts and the patronage of King Cnut and Queen Emma', Anglo-Saxon England, xix (1990), 151-95, at pp. 156-8, details the known extent of their monastic patronage. The record of one gift of land from Emma to Bury survives in a writ of her son (Whitelock, A.S.W.. no. 17: Sawyer, nos. 1076, 1077)
149. Sawyer, no. 1423
150. Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. A.J. Robertson (2nd edn., Cambridge. 1956. reissued 1986), no. 81
151. H. P. R. Finberg, The Early Charters of the West Midlands (Leicester, 1961), no. 341. See also Lawson, Cnut, p. 155
152. Abbot Ælfweard was described in the Evesham Chronicle as Cnut's relative ('a consanguineuo suo rege Cnutone') (Chronicon Abhatiae de Evesham, ed. W. D. Macray (1863). p. 83). It is thought unlikely that he belonged to Cnut's Danish kin as he was appointed by Ælthelred in 1014, and a connection with Ælfgifu of Northampton is more likely (A. Williams, '"Cockles amongst the wheat": Danes and the English in the western midlands in the 1st half of the nth century', Midland Hist., xi (1986), 1-22. at p. 1-22. For Ælfgifu as regent in Norway, see F. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (3rd edn., Oxford. 1971), pp. 405-6
153. Banton. 'Monastic reform', pp. 71-85: T. Pestell. Landscapes of Monastic Foundation c.650-1200 (Woodbridge, 2004). pp. 101-5
154. Abbo, Passio sancti Eadmundi regis et martyris, in Three Lives of English Saints, ed. M. Winterbottom (Toronto, 1972). p. 72
155. R. Frank, 'King Cnut in the verse of Ms skalds', in Rumble, pp. 106-24. at pp. 110-13
156. Lawson, Cnut. pp. 140-6
157. 'Translatio Sancti Æltegi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris" as 'Textual appendix", in Rumble, pp. 283-315
158. An extended discussion on the expulsion of clerks from Bury can be found in Gransden, 'Legends and traditions', pp. 14-16
159. Gransden 'Legends and traditions', p. 11
160. Regularis Corcordia, ch. 10, p. 7 (quoted in Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith, p. 141)
161. Another example is evident in the circumstances of his visit to the tomb of Edmund Ironside (M. K. Lawson. 'Cnut', O.D.N.B. (Oxford. 2004) [30 May 2006])
162. E. Searle. 'Emma the conqueror', in Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown, ed. C, Harper-Bill and others (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 281-8
163. Except for the temporary tenure of Bishop Grimketel during Stigand's period of disgrace in 1043
164. A.S.C. 'C', 1043
165. Sawyer, no. 1069
166. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People: a Prosopography of Persons Occurring in English Documents 1066-1166 (Woodbridge, 1999). p. 44
167. A.S.C. 'C, 1046. 1049. 1054
168. Sawyer, no. 1071 (Pakenham)
169. Robertson, p. 445. He may also have held land in the Isle of Wight and Oxfordshire (Lawson, Cnut, p. 163)
170. Sawyer, no. 1531
171. Whitelock, A.S.W., no. 31
172. P. Clarke. The English Nobility under Edward the Confessor (Oxford. 1994), pp. 357-63 notes that the estate was worth £182 3s in 1066, to which the sum of £102 165 11d in lands held from Wihtgar or his men can be added. For the possibility that Wihtgar was a descendant of Wulfstan of Dalham, see Wareham, p. 35
173. Benefactors' list', fo. 324
174. Whitelock, A.S.W., no. 29 from the sacrist's register of Bury St. Edmund's abbey (C.U.L., FF2.33 fo. 48)
175. As quoted in F. M. Stenton, 'The thriving of the Anglo-Saxon ceorl', in Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D. M. Stenton (Oxford, 1970), pp. 383-93, at pp. 388-9
176. L.D.B., fo. 288v
177. Meyer 'Queen's "demesne"', pp. 75-113