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Volumn 16, Issue 4, 2008, Pages 413-426

Separating spaces? Ethno-gendering social networks

(1)  Ruwanpura, Kanchana a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GENDER RELATIONS; IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION; SOCIAL NETWORK;

EID: 56749173277     PISSN: 09584935     EISSN: 1469364X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09584930802472764     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (10)

References (67)
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    • Frequently Sri Lankan scholars are challenged as to how a 'religious' group - Muslims - are categorized as an ethnic community; see Jennifer Hyndman and Malathi de Alwis, 'Bodies, shrines, and roads: Violence, (im)mobility and displacement in Sri Lanka', Gender, Place and Culture, Vol 11, No 4, pp 535-557
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    • and Kanchana N. Ruwanpura, Matrilineal Communities, Patriarchal Realities: Uncovering a Feminist Nirvana (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press and New Delhi: Kali for Women/Zubaan Books, 2006). Existing Sri Lankan scholarship highlights how colonial and postcolonial trajectories were instrumental in the constructions of 'Muslims' as a distinct ethnic category in Sri Lanka
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    • More generally, ethnic identities in the country are neither linked to religion nor language. Sinhalese predominantly speak Sinhala but are Buddhist or Christian, Tamils mostly speak Tamil but are Hindu or Christian, Muslims are followers of Islam but speak Sinhala, Tamil or both; see Arjuna Guneratne 'What's in a name? Aryans and Dravidians in the making of Sri Lankan identities', in Neluka Silva (ed.), The Hybrid Island: Culture Crossing in the Inversion of Identity in Sri Lanka (Colombo: Social Scientist Association and London: Zed Books, 2002), pp 22-25.
    • More generally, ethnic identities in the country are neither linked to religion nor language. Sinhalese predominantly speak Sinhala but are Buddhist or Christian, Tamils mostly speak Tamil but are Hindu or Christian, Muslims are followers of Islam but speak Sinhala, Tamil or both; see Arjuna Guneratne 'What's in a name? Aryans and Dravidians in the making of Sri Lankan identities', in Neluka Silva (ed.), The Hybrid Island: Culture Crossing in the Inversion of Identity in Sri Lanka (Colombo: Social Scientist Association and London: Zed Books, 2002), pp 22-25.
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    • see also Ruwanpura, op cit, Ref 5, p 188. Burghers, however, speak Tamil, Sinhala, English and sometimes are bilingual or trilingual even, ) but are primarily Christian/Catholic. The slippages and interfaces between religion and language point to the fluidity of identity construction in Sri Lanka, and indeed the salience of caste over ethnicity or ethnicity over caste is a confluence of political and historical factors. Quite critically, during my fieldwork visits to Eastern Sri Lanka during the past 8-9 years, the Muslims were keen to identify themselves as a distinct ethnic community, and it is this self-identity that I go with in my categorization of ethnic communities in Sri Lank; see also Jayadeva Uyangoda, Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Changing Dynamics, Policy Studies 32 Washington, DC: East-West Centre, 2007
    • see also Ruwanpura, op cit, Ref 5, p 188. Burghers, however, speak Tamil, Sinhala, English and sometimes are bilingual or trilingual even (!) but are primarily Christian/Catholic. The slippages and interfaces between religion and language point to the fluidity of identity construction in Sri Lanka - and indeed the salience of caste over ethnicity or ethnicity over caste is a confluence of political and historical factors. Quite critically, during my fieldwork visits to Eastern Sri Lanka during the past 8-9 years, the Muslims were keen to identify themselves as a distinct ethnic community - and it is this self-identity that I go with in my categorization of ethnic communities in Sri Lank; see also Jayadeva Uyangoda, Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Changing Dynamics, Policy Studies 32 (Washington, DC: East-West Centre, 2007).
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    • I use 'female-heads' as the social group to analyse issues related to women's subjectivity, but this paper is not about making a distinctive contribution to the wider literature on female-headed households; see also Sylvia Chant, Women-Headed Households: Diversity and Dynamics in the Developing World (New York and London: McMillan Press, 1997)
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    • I follow convention and preserve the anonymity of the villages visited and the female-heads interviewed, in particular because divulging this information may unnecessarily affect the welfare and security of the villages and households
    • I follow convention and preserve the anonymity of the villages visited and the female-heads interviewed, in particular because divulging this information may unnecessarily affect the welfare and security of the villages and households.
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    • My initial fieldwork was done during 1998-99, nearly a decade after the most violent abductions and killings of men by the state, the Indian Peace Keeping Force, and other para-military units; the interval of a 12-year period (many high-intense abductions and killings took place during the 1987-89 period) may have given these progressive women pause for thought and quiet reflection as to the ways in which they are a 'sisterhood' divided.
    • My initial fieldwork was done during 1998-99, nearly a decade after the most violent abductions and killings of men by the state, the Indian Peace Keeping Force, and other para-military units; the interval of a 12-year period (many high-intense abductions and killings took place during the 1987-89 period) may have given these progressive women pause for thought and quiet reflection as to the ways in which they are a 'sisterhood' divided.
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    • The irony of such utterances, which were repeated often enough, was not lost on me because a cornerstone of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism is the contention that Sinhala-Buddhist culture is uniquely 'native'. The postcolonial inferences of this issue will be picked-up in the fourth section of the paper.
    • The irony of such utterances, which were repeated often enough, was not lost on me because a cornerstone of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism is the contention that Sinhala-Buddhist culture is uniquely 'native'. The postcolonial inferences of this issue will be picked-up in the fourth section of the paper.
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    • The distinction between evolving changes that the Portuguese and the Dutch introduced to customary practices through an embryonic judicial system and the British implemented through legal codes and legislative changes as instrumental in modifying notions of property and affecting family structures are already documented; see
    • The distinction between evolving changes that the Portuguese and the Dutch introduced to customary practices through an embryonic judicial system and the British implemented through legal codes and legislative changes as instrumental in modifying notions of property and affecting family structures are already documented; see Wickramasinghe, op cit Ref 5, pp 25-43
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    • There is a plethora of feminist literature that shows how binary categories are a hallmark of the modernist period and how such categorization is an integral aspect of modernist thinking; see Donna J. Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature New York and London: Routledge, 1991
    • There is a plethora of feminist literature that shows how binary categories are a hallmark of the modernist period and how such categorization is an integral aspect of modernist thinking; see Donna J. Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York and London: Routledge, 1991)
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