Gender and the "lost" spaces of catholicism

Journal of Interdisciplinary History

Volumn 32, Issue 4, 2002, Pages 641-665

  Dolan, Frances E ^a  

^a MIAMI UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 54249144588     PISSN: 00221953     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/002219502317345547     Document Type: Article

References (87)

1. The terms in which this article discusses space are informed throughout by Henri Lefebvre (trans. Donald Nicholson Smith), The Production of Space (Oxford, 1991).
2. Caroline M. Hibbard, "Early Stuart Catholicism: Revisions and Re-Revisions," Journal of Modern History, LII (1980), 1-34, esp. 2, 14.
3. For the complexity of attitudes toward Catholics and Catholicism, see Anthony Milton, "A Qualified Intolerance: The Limits and Ambiguities of Early Stuart Anti-Catholicism," in Arthur F. Marotti (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism in Early Modern English Texts (New York, 1999), 85-115.
4. See also Peter Lake, "Anti-Popery: The Structure of a Prejudice," in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds.), Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603-1642 (London, 1989), 72-106.
5. On the disparity between attitudes toward known, local Catholics and toward Catholicism in the abstract or foreign Catholics, see, among many others, Robin Clifton, "Fear of Popery," in Conrad Russell (ed.), The Origins of the English Civil War (New York, 1973), 144-167;
6. Hibbard, "Early Stuart Catholicism;" David Underdown, Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England, 1603-1660 (Oxford, 1988), 129.
7. On the traffic in relics, see Anne J. Cruz, "Politics, Piety, and Class: Luisa de Carvajal and the Formation of Female Subjectivity in Early Modern Spain," ms. in progress (Univ. of Illinois, Chicago);
8. Marotti, "Manuscript Transmission and the Catholic Martyrdom Account in Early Modern England," in idem and Michael D. Bristol (eds.), Print, Manuscript, and Performance: The Changing Relations of the Media in Early Modern England (Columbus, 2000), 172-199. I am grateful to Cruz and Marotti for sharing their drafts with me.
9. Hibbard, "Early Stuart Catholicism," 16, n. 41.
10. Michael C. Questier, Conversion, Politics, and Religion in England, 1580-1625 (Cambridge, 1996).
11. For the relationship between Catholicism and women, see Dolan, Whores of Babylon: Catholicism, Gender, and Seventeenth-Century Print Culture (Ithaca, 1999).
12. For different but complementary interpretations of the peculiar status of Catholics in post-Reformation England, see Jonathan Gil Harris, Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1998);
13. Alison Shell, Catholicism, Controversy, and the English Literary Imagination, 1558-1660 (Cambridge, 1999);
14. Raymond Tumbleson, Catholicism in the English Protestant Imagination: Nationalism, Religion, and Literature, 1660-1745 (Cambridge, 1998).
15. This process happened in two stages: first the suppression of the monasteries in the 1530s and then the second wave of dissolutions and confiscations in the 1540s, which especially effected "intercessory institutions," such as chantries. See A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (New York, 1964);
16. Alan Kreider, English Chantries: The Road to Dissolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1979).
17. Mary Prior, "Reviled and Crucified Marriages: The Position of Tudor Bishops' Wives," in idem (ed.), Women in English Society, 1500-1800 (New York, 1985), 118-148.
18. On priest holes, or hiding places expressly built to conceal priests, and their emergence as an architectural feature only after priests began to establish fixed residences, see Michael Hodgetts, "Loca Secretoria in 1581," Recusant History, XIX (1989), 386-395;
19. Michael Hodgetts, idem, Secret Hiding-Places (Dublin, 1989).
20. On the more general association of priests with both travel and hiding places, see Julian Yates, "Parasitic Geographies: Manifesting Catholic Identity in Early Modern England," in Marotti (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism, 63-84.
21. See also Bede Camm, Forgotten Shrines: An Account of Some Old Catholic Halls and Families in England and of Relics and Memorials of the English Martyrs (London, 1936), illustrations facing 253, 254, 256, 258, 260.
22. Eamon Duffy, Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c. 1400-1580 (New Haven, 1992), 480.
23. For the continued reverence for Catholic rituals and objects, see also Christopher Haigh, English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993);
24. Ronald Hutton, "The English Reformation and the Evidence of Folklore," Past & Present, 148 (1995), 89-116;
25. Ronald Hutton, idem, The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year, 1400-1700 (Oxford, 1994), 69-110.
26. Margaret Aston argued that the presence of monastic ruins in the English landscape often provoked nostalgia for the lost past and regret about the destructions of the dissolution, not just for Catholics, and, in turn, inspired antiquarianism and preservation ("English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution and the Sense of the Past," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, XXXVI [1973], 231-255).
27. For the argument that the Reformation was, at least in part, "popular," see Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and Cultural Change in the 16th and 17th Centuries (New York, 1988);
28. Lake, "Deeds Against Nature: Cheap Print, Protestantism, and Murder in Early Seventeenth-Century England," in Kevin Sharpe and idem (eds.), Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Stanford, 1993), 257-283.
29. For a complication of these alternatives, see Alexandra Walsham, "The Parochial Roots of Laudianism Revisited: Catholics, Anti-Calvinists, and 'Parish Anglicans' in Early Stuart England," Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XLIX (1998), 620-651.
30. Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640 (Cambridge, 1991), 194.
31. On needle-work, see Rozsika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (New York, 1984);
32. Susan Frye, "Sewing Connections: Elizabeth Tudor, Mary Stuart, Elizabeth Talbot, and Seventeenth-Century Anonymous Needleworkers," in idem and Karen Robertson (eds.), Maids and Mistresses, Cousins and Queens: Woman's Alliances in Early Modern England (New York, 1999) 165-182;
33. Lena Cowen Orlin, "Three Ways to Be Invisible in the Renaissance: Sex, Reputation, and Stitchery," in Patricia Fumerton and Simon Hunt (eds.), Renaissance Culture and the Everyday (Philadelphia, 1999), 183-203;
34. Dympna Callaghan, "Looking Well to Linens: Women and Cultural Production in Othello and Shakespeare's England," in Jean E. Howard and Scott Cutler Shershow (eds.), Marxist Shakespeares (New York, 2001), 53-81.
35. On wall writing, see not only Watt but also Juliet Fleming, "Graffiti, Grammatology, and the Age of Shakespeare," in Fumerton and Hunt (eds.), Renaissance Culture, 315-351.
36. Milton, "A Qualified Intolerance," 104.
37. Elizabeth Cellier, Malice Defeated: Or a Brief Relation of the Accusation and Deliverance of Elizabeth Cellier (London, 1680), sig. Kv;
38. Reflections upon the Murder of S. Edmund-Bury Godfrey (London, 1682), sig. E2v.
39. Mr. John Mush's Life of Margaret Clitherow, in John Morris (ed.),
40. The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves (London, 1877), III. 395-396.
41. See also Megan Matchinske, Writing, Gender, and State in Early Modern England: Identity Formation and the Female Subject (Cambridge, 1998), 53-85;
42. Marotti, "Alienating Catholics in Early Modern England: Recusant Women, Jesuits, and Ideological Fantasies," in idem (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism, 1-34, esp. 5-9.
43. John Dormer, The New Plot of the Papists: To Transform Traitors into Martyrs (London, 1679), 5.
44. John Verney, The Life and Death of that Matchless Mirrour of Magnanimity (London, 1669), 16;
45. John Dauncey, The History of the Thrice Illustrious Princess Henrietta Maria de Bourbon, Queen of England (London, 1660), sigs. C9-C9v;
46. John Pory, letter to Rev. Joseph Mead (July 1, 1626), in Thomas Birch (ed.), The Court and Times of Charles the First (London, 1848), II, 119-123, 121.
47. Pory's account is often used as a source for the most incriminating version of the story in circulation. Lefebvre, Production of Space, 68-168.
48. On how Catholics were driven inward in post-Reformation England, see Lowell Gallagher, Medusa's Gaze: Casuistry and Conscience in the Renaissance (Stanford, 1991), 63-93;
49. Elizabeth Hanson, "Torture and Truth in Renaissance England," Representations, XXXIV (1991), 53-84;
50. Katharine Eisaman Maus, Inwardness and Theater in the English Renaissance (Chicago, 1995), chaps. 1 and 4. Several scholars have shown that Protestantism was, in its own way, invested in the collective, public performance of devotion.
51. See Ramie Targoff, "The Performance of Prayer: Sincerity and Theatricality in Early Modern England," Representations, LX (1997), 49-69;
52. Richard Rambuss, Closet Devotions (Durham, 1998), 103-136.
53. On the special position of London, see Hibbard, Charles I and the Popish Plot (Chapel Hill, 1983), 40-42, 56-57.
54. On how the Reformation transformed perceptions of London, see Lawrence Manley, Literature and Culture in Early Modern London (Cambridge, 1995), 159-162, 229.
55. On London more generally, with little attention to Catholics, see Ian Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge, 1991);
56. A. L. Beier and Roger Finlay (eds.), London, 1500-1700: The Making of the Metropolis (London, 1986);
57. Jeremy Boulton, Neighbourhood and Society: A London Suburb in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1987), 284;
58. Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge, 1989). Mr. Beaulieu writing to Sir Thomas Puckering, in Birch (ed.), Court and Times, II, 67.
59. See also Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds: Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London Court and Times, ibid., II, 302-303.
60. Cyprien of Gamache, "Memoirs of the Mission in England of the Capuchin Fathers (1630-1669)," in Court and Times, ibid., II, 306-316;
61. John Harris, Stephen Orgel, and Roy Strong, The King's Arcadia: Inigo Jones and the Stuart Court (London, 1973), 123-124, 138, 148-149, 152-154;
62. Martin Havran, The Catholics in Caroline England (Stanford, 1962), 59;
63. Bryan Little, Catholic Churches Since 1623: A Study of Roman Catholic Churches in England and Wales from Penal Times to the Present Decade (London, 1966), 21-23.
64. On the theatrical machinery at the Somerset House chapel, see Cyprien of Gamache, "Memoirs," in Birch (ed.), Court and Times, II, 311-312.
65. Court and Times, See also ibid., II, 432-433;
66. R. Malcolm Smuts, Court Culture and the Origins of a Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England (Philadelphia, 1987), 228.
67. Concerning hostility to the queen, see "A Message sent from the Queenes Majesty to the House of Commons," in A Coppy of 1. the Letter (London, 1641), 11-12.
68. On how fashionable attendance at these chapels became, and how the new Somerset House chapel boosted conversions, see Gordon Albion, Charles land the Court of Rome: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Diplomacy (London, 1935), 104, 196-197, and chap. 8,
69. "Converts at Court," passim;
70. Clifton, "Fear of Popery," 152-53.
71. On riots, see Clifton, "The Popular Fear of Catholics During the English Revolution," Past & Present, 52 (1971), 23-55;
72. Clifton, idem, "Fear of Popery," esp. 156.
73. Walsham, "'The Fatall Vesper': Providentialism and Anti-Popery in Late Jacobean London," Past & Present, 144 (1994), 36, 55-56.
74. The Speech of Her Majesty the Queen Mother's Palace, upon the Reparation and Enlargement of It, by Her Majesty (London, 1665), 1-2.
75. See also Upon Her Majesties New Buildings at Somerset-House (London, 1665).
76. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic (1667), 457;
77. John Miller, Popery and Politics in England, 1660-1668 (Cambridge, 1973), 22.
78. William Bedloe, A Narrative and Impartial Discovery of the Horrid Popish PLOT Carried on for the Burning and Destroying the CITIES of London and Westminster (London, 1679), sig.
79. Ev. Reflections upon the Murder; The Tryals of Sir George Wakeman [et al] for High Treason for Conspiring the Death of the King (London, 1679);
80. A Hellish Murder Committed by a French Midwife, on the Body of Her Husband, Jan. 27 1687/8 (London, 1688).
81. Walter George Bell, The Great Fire of London in 1666 (London, 1920), 326.
82. For a detailed discussion of the fortunes of Somerset House, see Dolan, Whores of Babylon, 150-156, 159, 216.
83. Marie B. Rowlands, "Recusant Women, 1560-1640," in Prior (ed.), Women in English Society, 149-180;
84. Rambuss, Closet Devotions, 109.
85. On the social status of priests, see John Bossy, "The English Catholic Community, 1603-1625," in Alan G. R. Smith (ed.), The Reign of James VI and I (New York, 1973), 51;
86. Haigh, "From Monopoly to Minority: Catholicism in Early Modern England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, XXXI (1981), 138-139, 145;
87. Hibbard, "Early Stuart Catholicism," 2. An Act of 1585 made it high treason to be a priest and a felony to help or harbor one. Three women seem to have been executed for aiding and abetting, all during Elizabeth I's reign: Those executed include Clitherow (1586), discussed above, who was pressed to death for refusing to plead to the charge of harboring priests; Margaret Ward, who was charged with helping a priest to escape from prison (1588); and Anne Line (1601). Five were convicted but not executed, although several of them died in prison.