A horse called Belisarius

History Workshop Journal

Volumn 47, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 240-252

  Egmond, Florike ^a   Mason, Peter ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 53149153930     PISSN: 13633554     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/hwj/1999.47.240     Document Type: Article

References (78)

1. For more detailed discussion of Feale, with fuller bibliographical references, see Florike Egmond and Peter Mason, 'Skeletons on Show: Learned Entertainment and Popular Knowledge', History Workshop Journal 41, 1996, pp. 92-116,
2. to which should be added José María López Piñero and Thomas F. Glick, El Megaterio de Bru y el Presidente Jefferson. Una relation insospechada en los albores de la paleontología, Cuadernos Valencianos de Historia de la Medicina y de la Ciencia XLII, Instituto de Estudios Documentales e Históricos sobre la Ciencia (Universitat de València-C.S.I.C.), Valencia, 1993
3. and I. Bernard Cohen, Science and the Founding Fathers, New York, 1995, pp. 290-293.
4. This was the moral of Jakob Bidermann's Comico-tragoedia de Belisario duce Christiana, ab summa gloriae felicitate in extremo infortunii ludibrio prolapso, which was staged in Munich in 1607;
5. see A. Pertusi, Storiografia umanistica e mondo bizantino, Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, Quaderni 5, Palermo, 1967, p. 97.
6. On the relations between Franklin and the Peale family see Egmond and Mason 'Skeletons on Show', p. 98.
7. The Selected Papers of Charles Willson Peale and His Family. Vol. I, ed. L.B. Miller, New Haven and London, 1983, p. 171 n. 120.
8. 'Clues', which was first published in English in History Workshop Journal 9, spring 1980 (as 'Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method', trans. Anna Davin),
9. can also be consulted in Carlo Ginzburg, Myths, Emblems, Clues, London 1990, pp. 96-125.
10. The English translation of his Storia Notturno (1989) appeared under the title Ecstasies.
11. Deciphering the Witches' Sabbath, London, 1990.
12. Thomas Crow, Emulation. Making Artists for Revolutionary France, New Haven and London, 1995, pp. 206ff.
13. This evidence is ignored in Cutler's very sketchy account of the use of Byzantine themes in and after the Renaissance, 'The Pathos of Distance: Byzantium in the Gaze of Renaissance Europe and Modern Scholarship', in C. Farago (ed.), Refraining the Renaissance. Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America, 1450-1650, New Haven and London, 1995, pp. 22-45, esp. pp. 30-31.
14. The attribution of the drawing to Ingres is called into question by P. Bordes, 'Consolidating the Canon', Oxford Art Journal 19:2, 1996, pp. 107-114.
15. For a discussion of the iconographical problems connected with Poussin's painting see David Carrier, 'Blindness and the representation of desire in Poussin's paintings', Res 19-20, 1991, pp. 31-52.
16. On the allusions to Poussin in the painting, as well as the debt to Greuze, see Norman Bryson, Tradition and Desire. From David to Delacroix, Cambridge, 1984, p. 55. David repeated the painting in 1784.
17. Peyron, for example, painted Belisarius receiving the hospitality of a peasant who had served under him. On these earlier versions of Belisarius see Antoine Schnapper, David, Témoin de son temps, Fribourg, 1980, pp. 61-64.
18. Crow, Emulation, p. 332, n.65.
19. Bordes, 'Consolidating the Canon', p. 109.
20. Josette Bottineau, 'De Bélisaire à Marcus Sextus. Génèse et histoire d'un tableau de Pierre Guérin (1774-1833)', Revue du Louvre, 1993, pp. 41-53.
21. The theme of Belisarius was popular among seventeenth-century dramatists; Pertusi, Storiografia, pp. 99-100
22. lists the following works: Il Belisario by Scipione Francucci (1620),
23. Exemplo mayor de la disdicha y Capiton Belisario by Antonio Mira de Amescua (1625),
24. Bélisaire by Sieur des Fontaines (1637 or 1641),
25. The martyr's souldier by H. Shirley (1638),
26. Bélisaire by Jean de Rotrou (1643),
27. Belisario by Onofrio Onofri (1645),
28. Belisario by V. Randinelli (?) (1652),
29. De groote Belizarius by C. de Grieck (1658),
30. Bélisaire by Gautier de Costes de la Calprenède (1659),
31. and Caduta delgran Capitano Belisario by G. Andrea Cicognini (c. 1660).
32. For the eighteenth century he cites La gloriosa cecità del gran Belisario by Carlo Goldoni (1734).
33. Crow, Emulation, p. 208.
34. Crow, Emulation, p. 232.
35. Carlo Ginzburg and Carlo Poni, 'The Name and the Game: Unequal Exchange and the Historiographic Marketplace', in: Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero (eds), Microhistory and the Lost Peoples of Europe, Baltimore and London, 1991, pp. 1-10.
36. Egmond and Mason, 'Skeletons on Show'.
37. Jacques Derrida, Parages, Paris, 1986, p. 125, our translation.
38. 'Microanalisi e costruzione del sociale', Quaderni Storici N.S. 86, 1994, p. 561, our translation.
39. As note 19.
40. Jacques Derrida, La dissémination, Paris, 1972.
41. See Geoffrey Bennington and Jacques Derrida, Jacques Derrida, Paris, 1991.
42. Jacques Derrida, Mémoires d'aveugle. L'autoportrait et autres ruines, Paris, 1990, p. 113.
43. See the Peale family genealogy in Selected Papers. . . , pp. xlv-xlviii.
44. 'Death and Life, in that Order, in the Works of Charles Willson Peale' in: J. Elsner and R. Cardinal (eds), The Cultures of Collecting, London, 1994, pp. 204-223.
45. See the preface to Myths, Emblems, Clues.
46. There is a parallel German and English text in Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Occasions 1912-1951, James Klagge and Alfred Nordmann (eds), Indianapolis and Cambridge 1993, pp. 118-155.
47. The Enigma of Piero, London 1985.
48. Compare Ginzburg, 'Datazione assoluta e datazione relativa: sul metodo di Longhi', Paragone 33: 386, 1982, pp. 9-17.
49. Ginzburg's essay on a portrait of the jester Gonella by Jean Fouquet (Jean Fouquet. Ritratto del buffone Gonella, Modena 1996) proceeds in a somewhat different manner: the parallels that he draws between the posture of the jester and the figure of Christ are based on typological rather than morphological arguments (cf. 'undeniable typological resemblance' p. 33); and the 'hard' archival and dendrological evidence that he adduces is deployed to other purposes that are incidental to this claim.
50. 'Vetoes and Compatibilities', Art Bulletin 77: 4, 1995, pp. 534-536;
51. cf. Jay A. Levenson (ed.), Circa 1492. An in the Age of Exploration, New Haven and London, 1991, cat. no. 202.
52. Halina Nelken, Alexander von Humboldt. Bildnisse und Künstler. Eine dokumentierte Ikonographie, Berlin, 1980, p. 61.
53. Nelken, Humboldt, pp. 62-5.
54. Helga von Kügelgen Kropfinger, 'El frontispicio de François Gérard para la obra de viaje de Humboldt y Bonpland', Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Latinamerikas 20, 1983, pp. 575-616;
55. Nelken, Humboldt, pp. 34-35;
56. Peter Mason, 'Moving mountains and raising the dead' in M. Jansen and L. Reyes García (eds), Códices, Caciques y Comunidades, Leiden, 1997, pp. 246-64.
57. For Gerard's correspondence with Humboldt and other prominent figures and artists, see the letters edited by his nephew Henri Gérard as Correspondance de François Gérard, Paris, 1867, pp. 202ff.
58. Wittgenstein, 'Remarks' (see n.27), p. 153.
59. Cf. 'The study of peripheral phenomena and marginal groups need not necessarily lead to marginal insights', Florike Egmond, Underworlds. Organized Crime in The Netherlands, 1650-1800, Cambridge, 1993, p. 20.
60. See for example Edward Muir, Mad Blood Stirring. Vendetta and Factions in Friuli during the Renaissance, Baltimore and London 1993, and the various collections of articles from Quaderni Stand issued by Johns Hopkins University Press.
61. No more than Claude Lévi-Strauss, La Pensée Sauvage, Paris 1962, pp. 270-277,
62. or Denis Chevallier, L'Homme, Le Porc, L'Abeille et le Chien, Paris 1987, pp. 178-184, do we consider the naming of animals to be 'trivial'.
63. The fact that the four horses depicted in the Sala dei Cavalli in the Palazzo Te in Mantua are named as Battaglia, Dario, Morel favorito, and Glorioso is evidence that such names were considered important enough for the artist - they are attributed to Giulio Romano - to record them for posterity (for other pictorial representations of the horses of the Gonzagas see D. A. Franchini and others, La Scienza a Corte. Collezionismo eclettico. Natura e immagine a Mantova fra Rinascimento e Manierismo, Roma, 1979, pp. 98-99).
64. See too Rodolfo Signorini, 'A dog named Rubino', Journal of the Courtauld and Warburg Institutes 41, 1978, pp. 317-320, where Signorini suggests that the russet-coloured dog in Mantegna's fresco in the so-called Camera degli Sposi in the palace at Mantua should be identified with a dog called Rubino - 'russet' - that belonged to Ludovico II Gonzaga and died on 7 August 1467.
65. As Signorini notes, the epitaph that Ludovico had placed in the palace for his beloved dog was one among some six hundred of such epitaphs known to Ulisse Aldrovandi (De quadrupedibus digitalis viviparis, Bologna 1645, p. 524). Signorini also compares a letter sent from Federico II Gonzaga to Giulio Romano in 1526 describing Federico's plan for an epitaph on the tomb of a dog that had died giving birth, perhaps to be identified with a stucco tomb of a dog in the giardinetto of the Palazzo Te in Mantua.
66. On Bonpland's wide range of occupations see Stephen Bell, 'Sir Joseph Banks and Aimé Bonpland', in: R. E. R. Banks and others (eds), Sir Joseph Banks: a global perspective, Kew, 1994, pp. 201-204.
67. Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms. The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, London, 1980.
68. See our 'Armadillos in Unlikely Places. Some unpublished sixteenth-century sources for New World Rezeptionsgeschichte in Northern Europe', Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv 20: 1-2, 1994, pp. 3-52;
69. and 'Report on a Wild Goose Chase', Journal of the History of Collections 7: 1, 1995, pp. 25-43.
70. Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression, Ithaca, 1986.
71. This is demonstrated by Guido Ruggiero in his study of everyday life in late Renaissance Italy, Binding Passions. Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of the Renaissance, New York and Oxford, 1993. In this study, history is not a story, but history writing is very good story-telling about people telling stories about their lives.
72. For a forerunner in the eighteenth century, see the discussion of Chladenius' De Vestigiis in Bart Verschaffel, 'De historicus als spoorzoeker. Over De Vestigiis (1749) en het lezen van sporen in de geschiedtheorie van J. M. Chladenius', Tijdschrift voor Filosofie 47:4, 1985, pp. 582-604.
73. For a wide-ranging discussion about historical changes in the interpretation of 'facts' and 'evidence', see James Chandler and A. Davidson (eds), Questions of Evidence. Proof, Practice and Persuasion across the Disciplines, Chicago 1994.
74. Stephen Daniels, Fields of Vision. Landscape Imagery and National Identity in England and the United States, Cambridge, 1993, pp. 244-245.
75. Alain Boureau uses a similar terminology ('lourd de sens') in his La Papesse Jeanne, Paris, (1988) 1993, p. 9.
76. As in the case of Papesse Jeanne [Pope Joan], or the bizarre poena cullei (punishment by drowning in a sack) and monstrous human types discussed in our The Mammoth and the Mouse. Microhistory and Morphology, Baltimore 1997.
77. Though they apply to a very different issue - the limits of representation of the 'final solution' - the remarks by Ginzburg on the implications of reliance on a single witness for historical inquiry are relevant here too; see his 'Just One Witness', in S. Friedlander (ed.), Probing the limits of representation: Nazism and the 'Final Solution', Cambridge 1992, pp. 82-96.
78. For a book-length Sternean defence of these theses on micro-history and morphology, see our The Mammoth and the Mouse. [Gaya Scienza - carefree science.]