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Volumn 16, Issue 2, 2008, Pages 225-254

Soldiers, parties and bureaucrats: Illicit fund-raising in contemporary Indonesia

Author keywords

Bureaucracy; Corruption; Democracy; Indonesia; Military; Parties

Indexed keywords

AUTONOMY; BUREAUCRACY; CORRUPTION; DEMOCRACY; INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK; MILITARY INTERVENTION; PARTY POLITICS; POLITICAL ECONOMY; STATE BUILDING;

EID: 50949089639     PISSN: 0967828X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5367/000000008785260446     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (35)

References (61)
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    • Salim Said (1992), Genesis of Power: General Sudirman and the Indonesian Military in Politics, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, p 44. As a result of this centralization programme, the military received most of its funds through the state budget. At the height of the conflict with the Dutch, around 80% of the government's budget went into the war effort. I am grateful to Robert Cribb for providing this information.
    • Salim Said (1992), Genesis of Power: General Sudirman and the Indonesian Military in Politics, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, p 44. As a result of this centralization programme, the military received most of its funds through the state budget. At the height of the conflict with the Dutch, around 80% of the government's budget went into the war effort. I am grateful to Robert Cribb for providing this information.
  • 5
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    • Said, supra note 3, at pp 107-108.
    • Said, supra note 3, at pp 107-108.
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    • Harold Crouch (1988), The Army and Politics in Indonesia, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, p 38.
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    • Human Rights Watch (2006), Too High a Price: The Human Rights Cost of the Indonesian Military's Economic Activities, Human Rights Watch, New York, pp 48-56. The report's figures for Freeport payments to TNI and police forces are based on the company's own filings under US transparency requirements.
    • Human Rights Watch (2006), Too High a Price: The Human Rights Cost of the Indonesian Military's Economic Activities, Human Rights Watch, New York, pp 48-56. The report's figures for Freeport payments to TNI and police forces are based on the company's own filings under US transparency requirements.
  • 14
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  • 15
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    • Tabloids and crime programmes on television continue to be filled with stories about soldiers being arrested for a wide variety of illegal activities. Military units also often stage public dismissal ceremonies for soldiers who have been caught committing crimes, most of which are connected to illegal fund-raising. While military commands tend to tolerate and even encourage the moonlighting of their soldiers, they do not want to see these practices exposed in the media, hence the stern action taken, 192 Prajurit Kodam I Bukit Barisan Diepecat, Kompas, 5 July 2007
    • Tabloids and crime programmes on television continue to be filled with stories about soldiers being arrested for a wide variety of illegal activities. Military units also often stage public dismissal ceremonies for soldiers who have been caught committing crimes, most of which are connected to illegal fund-raising. While military commands tend to tolerate and even encourage the moonlighting of their soldiers, they do not want to see these practices exposed in the media - hence the stern action taken. '192 Prajurit Kodam I Bukit Barisan Diepecat', Kompas, 5 July 2007.
  • 16
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    • Mietzner, supra note 12, at p 42
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  • 17
    • 85036853344 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Article 76 of the bill stated that 'within 5 years after the enactment of this law, the government has to take over all business enterprises owned or operated by TNI in a direct or indirect manner'. See 'Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 34 Tabun 2004 Tentang Tentara Nasional Indonesia'.
    • Article 76 of the bill stated that 'within 5 years after the enactment of this law, the government has to take over all business enterprises owned or operated by TNI in a direct or indirect manner'. See 'Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 34 Tabun 2004 Tentang Tentara Nasional Indonesia'.
  • 18
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    • In his confirmation hearing in parliament, TNI Commander Djoko Santoso stated in December 2007 that 'the cooperatives in TNI will continue to be developed, with a special focus on fulfilling the basic needs of soldiers and their families'. See Jenderal TNI Djoko Santoso (2007), Paparan Pada Rapat Kepatutan dan Kelayakan [Fit and Proper Test] Calon Panglima TNI, 5 December, Jakarta, p 33.
    • In his confirmation hearing in parliament, TNI Commander Djoko Santoso stated in December 2007 that 'the cooperatives in TNI will continue to be developed, with a special focus on fulfilling the basic needs of soldiers and their families'. See Jenderal TNI Djoko Santoso (2007), Paparan Pada Rapat Kepatutan dan Kelayakan [Fit and Proper Test] Calon Panglima TNI, 5 December, Jakarta, p 33.
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    • The best documentation on Yudhoyono's rejection of the draft was presented on the Internet news portal, detik.com. It covered this event for several days: 'SBY Minta Draf Produk Transformasi TNI Diperbaiki' (9 February 2007); 'Dephan Siap Revisi Perpres Transformasi Bistlis TNI' (13 February 2007); 'Harmonisasi Institusi Pengambil Alih Bisnis TNI' (13 February 2007). The decree was eventually signed in April 2008.
    • The best documentation on Yudhoyono's rejection of the draft was presented on the Internet news portal, detik.com. It covered this event for several days: 'SBY Minta Draf Produk Transformasi TNI Diperbaiki' (9 February 2007); 'Dephan Siap Revisi Perpres Transformasi Bistlis TNI' (13 February 2007); 'Harmonisasi Institusi Pengambil Alih Bisnis TNI' (13 February 2007). The decree was eventually signed in April 2008.
  • 23
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    • Confidential interview with an observer of military affairs, Jakarta, November 2007.
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    • Interview with Effendi Choirie, member of parliament's Commission I on defence and security, Jakarta, 5 December 2007
    • Interview with Effendi Choirie, member of parliament's Commission I on defence and security, Jakarta, 5 December 2007.
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  • 33
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    • These calculations are based on PDI-P's election result in 1999, with 1,000 Rupiah paid per vote.
    • These calculations are based on PDI-P's election result in 1999, with 1,000 Rupiah paid per vote.
  • 34
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    • Mietzner, supra note 32, at p 244
    • Mietzner, supra note 32, at p 244.
  • 35
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    • Interview with Airlangga Hartarto, 30 October 2006, Jakarta
    • Interview with Airlangga Hartarto, 30 October 2006, Jakarta.
  • 42
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    • Communication with Ganjar Pranowo, Member of Parliament for PDI-P and head of the parliamentary committee for the deliberation of the bill on political parties, 30 November 2007, Jakarta.
    • Communication with Ganjar Pranowo, Member of Parliament for PDI-P and head of the parliamentary committee for the deliberation of the bill on political parties, 30 November 2007, Jakarta.
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    • These payments by the bureaucracy to parliamentarians came in many different forms: for instance, cash payments in envelopes handed out during hearings or visits to departments; gifts for special occasions such as weddings or the Muslim fasting month; provision of travel allowances; invitations to undergo the Muslim pilgrimage; scholarships for parliamentarians' children; contributions to Muslim boarding schools or charitable organizations run by parliamentarians; and offers to build or repair their houses. See 'Haji Abidin Dilaporkan ke Mendagri', Wawasan, 17 November 2007;
    • These payments by the bureaucracy to parliamentarians came in many different forms: for instance, cash payments in envelopes handed out during hearings or visits to departments; gifts for special occasions such as weddings or the Muslim fasting month; provision of travel allowances; invitations to undergo the Muslim pilgrimage; scholarships for parliamentarians' children; contributions to Muslim boarding schools or charitable organizations run by parliamentarians; and offers to build or repair their houses. See 'Haji "Abidin" Dilaporkan ke Mendagri', Wawasan, 17 November 2007;
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    • 4 July
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    • (2007) Kompas
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  • 59
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    • The present discussion of illicit fund-raising in the Indonesian military, political parties and bureaucracy challenges the conventional definition of corruption as the misuse of public office for private gain. In all three cases, most of the illicitly raised funds flowed back into operations aimed at strengthening certain institutions or the position of individual leaders within them. While it could be argued that the efforts of elites to defend and empower their institutions are in themselves designed to increase their ability to extort even more money from the state, the fact that so much of the illicit funding was used for institutional activity suggests that institution-building played a significant role in the motivations of the perpetrators
    • The present discussion of illicit fund-raising in the Indonesian military, political parties and bureaucracy challenges the conventional definition of corruption as the misuse of public office for private gain. In all three cases, most of the illicitly raised funds flowed back into operations aimed at strengthening certain institutions or the position of individual leaders within them. While it could be argued that the efforts of elites to defend and empower their institutions are in themselves designed to increase their ability to extort even more money from the state, the fact that so much of the illicit funding was used for institutional activity suggests that institution-building played a significant role in the motivations of the perpetrators.
  • 60
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    • 27 August
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.