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Volumn 36, Issue 3, 2008, Pages 421-444

Class divisions among women

Author keywords

Class; Family policy; Gender

Indexed keywords


EID: 49849086013     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: 15527514     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329208320570     Document Type: Conference Paper
Times cited : (46)

References (67)
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    • Throughout this article, I use the terms higher class and lower class in a relative fashion, not as proper names for specific classes. My concern is with broad differences in economic advantage linked to either personal resources (i.e., education) or positions in production (i.e., occupations). In any event, data considerations make it necessary to take an eclectic approach to defining classes for empirical purposes.
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    • Svallfors's index of support for women's paid employment includes questions that tap not only whether women's paid labor is seen as legitimate in terms of the division of labor with their husbands but also whether or not it is perceived as detrimental to their families and children.
    • Ibid Stefan Svallfors, The Moral Economy of Class: Class and Attitudes in Comparative Perspective, 112. Svallfors's index of support for women's paid employment includes questions that tap not only whether women's paid labor is seen as legitimate in terms of the division of labor with their husbands but also whether or not it is perceived as detrimental to their families and children.
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    • Managerial and professional: 22 percent; semiprofessional: 28 percent; routine nonmanual: 27 percent; working class: 24 percent.
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    • (2000) Child Care Patterns of School-Age Children with Employed Mothers
    • Ehrle, J.1    Adams, G.2    Tout, K.3    Capizzano, J.4    Tout, K.5    Adams, G.6
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    • Note, however, that Durfee and Meyers qualify their findings by pointing out that New York provides unusually extensive childcare supports.
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    • Table 7.5. On the basis of the Urban Institute surveys cited earlier, Gornick and Meyers show that for middle- and high-income families, the burden of childcare costs in the United States is fairly similar to France, except that a higher proportion of families have out-of-pocket expenses. However, they do not consider the effects of France's extensive public provision on the tax burden.
    • Gornick and Meyers, Families That Work, Table 7.5. On the basis of the Urban Institute surveys cited earlier, Gornick and Meyers show that for middle- and high-income families, the burden of childcare costs in the United States is fairly similar to France, except that a higher proportion of families have out-of-pocket expenses. However, they do not consider the effects of France's extensive public provision on the tax burden.
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    • Nyberg, A.1    Ferrarini, T.2    Hiilamo, H.3    Kangas, O.4
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    • Precisely for this reason, the center-right coalition that has held office in Sweden since 2006 favors tax rebates for families that hire private household help.
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    • Polavieja, J.G.1    Tomaskovic Devey, D.2    Skaggs, S.3
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    • Had this analysis included workers under twenty-five, the U.S. menial services class would have grown due to the many young people employed in the "food-and-fun" sector.
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    • The present estimate of the difference between the two countries may be conservative. Using somewhat different procedures, including controlling at the individual level for cross-national differences in workforce composition, Mandel and Semyonov find that women's probability of having a managerial occupation compared with men's is more than 80 percent greater in the United States than in Sweden. Figure 6.
    • The present estimate of the difference between the two countries may be conservative. Using somewhat different procedures, including controlling at the individual level for cross-national differences in workforce composition, Mandel and Semyonov find that women's probability of having a managerial occupation compared with men's is more than 80 percent greater in the United States than in Sweden. Mandel and Semyonov, "Welfare State Paradox," Figure 6.
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    • Mandel1    Semyonov2
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    • Nevertheless, at 71 percent, the proportion of menial service workers who are women is lower in the United States than the eleven other countries analyzed by Mandel and myself. One reason for this is the role of minority men. Nonwhite men are three times more likely than white men to work as menial service workers in the United States. Hadas Mandel and Michael Shalev, " A Class Perspective on Gender Inequality: How Welfare States Shape the Gender Pay Gap " (working paper no. 433, Luxembourg Income Study 2006 ).
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    • Mandel, H.1    Shalev, M.2
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    • A calculation not reported in Table 1 indicates that at the median, the ratio between the wages of managers and menials is 2.2 to 1 in the United States and 1.6 to 1 in Sweden.
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    • A similar analytical strategy, inspired by the work of Blau and Kahn, has been adopted by Gornick, Mandel and Semyonov, and Mandel and Shalev. Needless to say, however, gender is to some extent endogenous to both class structure and class inequality. Francine D. Blau and Lawrence M. Kahn, " The Gender Earnings Gap: Learning from International Comparisons, " American Economic Review 82, no. 2 (1992). 533-38 ; Janet C. Gornick, " Gender Equality in the Labor Market, " in Gender and Welfare State Regimes, ed. Diane Sainsbury (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1999). 210-42 ; Mandel and Semyonov, " Family Policies, Wage Structures, and Gender Gaps "; and Mandel and Shalev, " Class Perspective on Gender Inequality "
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    • This is not the place to enter into the ethical aspects of the problem. Suffice it to say that it would not be difficult for advocates of progressive family policy to argue that, for example, the importance of economic autonomy for the well-being of lower-class women justifies such policies, even if the beneficiaries do not demand them.
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.