Contextualizing colonatus: The origo of the late Roman empire

Journal of Roman Studies

Volumn 97, Issue , 2007, Pages 155-175

  Grey, Cam ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 49049112801     PISSN: 00754358     EISSN: 1753528X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.3815/000000007784016089     Document Type: Article

References (129)

1. The inverted commas were introduced by J.-M. Carrié, 'Le "colonat du Bas-Empire": un mythe historiographique?', Opus 1 (1982), 351-71, to illustrate his argument that the concept is a historiographical construct. Carrie's position, and the responses it has elicited, are discussed in Section 1 below
2. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 118.8.19.1, and Section iv below
3. Further discussion in C. Grey, 'Revisiting the "problem" of agri deserti in the late Roman Empire', JRA 20 (2007)
4. The intention here is not to outline the debate in its entirety, but to sketch its broad trajectories. Detailed surveys of the historiography may be found in R. Clausing, The Roman Colonate: The Theories of its Origin (1925; repub. 1965)
5. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 1)
6. J.-M. Carrié, 'Un roman des origines: les géné alogies du "colonat du Bas-Empire"', Opus 2 (1983), 205-51
7. A. Marcone, Il colonato tardoantico nella storiografia moderna (da Fustel de Coulanges ai nostri giorni) (1988)
8. G. Giliberti, Servi della terra: ricerche per una storia del colonato (1999)
9. W. Scheidel, 'Slaves of the soil: review article', JRA 13 (2000), 727-32 provides a useful and succinct summary of the current state of the question
10. M. I. Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (1980), 123-49
11. also C. Saumagne, 'Du rôle de l'origo et du census dans la formation du colonat romain', Byzantion 12 (1937), 487-581
12. A. Segrè, 'The Byzantine colonate', Traditio 5 (1947), 103-33
13. M. Pallasse, 'Les 〈Tablettes Albertini〉 intéressant- elles le colonat romain du BasEmpire?', RD (4th ser.) 33 (1955), 267-81
14. A. J. B. Sirks, 'Reconsidering the Roman colonate', ZRG 123 (1993), 348
15. A. H. M. Jones, 'The Roman colonate', P&P 13 (1958), 1-13, at 3 (reprinted in A. H. M. Jones, The Roman Economy: Studies in Ancient Economic and Administrative History (ed. P. A. Brunt) (1974), 293-307)
16. W. Goffart, Caput and Colonate: Towards a History of Late Roman Taxation (1974), 86-7
17. A. Souter, A Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A. D. (1949), 60
18. cf. A. J. B. Sirks, 'Did the late Roman government try to tie people to their profession or status?', Tyche 8 (1993), 168 n. 61
19. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 1), 352
20. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4), 241
21. This interpretation has been followed by C. Lepelley, 'Trois documents méconnus sur l'histoire sociale et religieuse de l'Afrique Romaine tardive, retrouvés parmi les spuria de Sulpice Sévére', AntAfr 25 (1989), 246 at n. 37, 250-1
22. Note also J.-M. Carrié, '"Colonato del Basso Impero": la resistenza del mito', in E. Lo Cascio (ed.), Terre, proprietari e contadini dell'Impero romano. Dall'affitto agraria al colonato tardoantico (Incontro studio di Capri, 16-18 ottobre 1995) (1997), 101-3
23. Goffart traced the argument for the public law origins of the 'colonate' to H. J. Scheltema, An den Würzeln der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft, 2, Das oströmische Reich (1958): Goffart, op. cit. (n. 9), 89 n. 69
24. P. Rosafio, 'Dalla locazione al colonato: per un tentativo di ricostruzione', AION 13 (1991), 231-81
25. idem, Studi sul Colonato (2002)
26. F. De Martino, 'Il colonato fra economia e diritto', in A. Momigliano and A. Schiavone (eds), Storia di Roma III.1 (1993), 789-822
27. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 7)
28. M. Mircovic, The Later Roman Colonate and Freedom, TAPhS vol. 87, pt 2, (1997)
29. Giliberti, op. cit. (n. 4)
30. L. A. Garcia Moreno, 'From coloni to servi. A history of the peasantry in Visigothic Spain', Klio 83 (2001), 198-212
31. D. Eibach, Untersuchungen zum spätantiken Kolonat in der kaiserlichen Gesetzgebung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Terminologie (1980)
32. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4)
33. D. W. Rathbone, 'The ancient economy and Graeco-Roman Egypt', in L. Ciscuolo and G. Geraci (eds), Egitto e storia antica dall'Ellenismo all'età Araba: Bilancio di un confronto (Atti del Colloquio Internazionale Bologna, 31 agosto-2 settembre 1987) (1989), 159-76
34. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 13)
35. D. Vera, 'Padroni, contadini, contratti: realia del colonato tardoantico', in Lo Cascio, op. cit. (n. 13), 185-224
36. Scheidel, op. cit. (n. 4)
37. th International Congress of Papyrology (1981), 469-77
38. A. Marcone, 'Il colonato del tardo impero: un mito storiografico?', Athenaeum 63 (1985), 513-20
39. Garcia Moreno, op. cit. (n. 20)
40. Rathbone, op. cit. (n. 21)
41. Vera, op. cit. (n. 21)
42. A. J. B. Sirks, 'Continuità nel colonato?', in Lo Cascio, op. cit. (n. 13), 163-84
43. P. A. V. Sarris, 'The origins of the manorial economy: new insights from Late Antiquity', EHR 119 (2004), 299-300
44. Rosafio, op. cit. (n. 20, 1991)
45. idem, 'Coloni e clienti: analogie e differenze', in Lo Cascio, op. cit. (n. 13), 247
46. J. Banaji, 'Lavoratori liberi e residenza coatta: il colonato romano in prospettiva storica', in Lo Cascio, op. cit. (n. 13), 262
47. idem, Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity: Gold, Labour, and Aristocratie Dominance (2001), 206-12
48. J. Durliat, Les rentiers de l'impôt. Recherches sur les finances municipales dans la 'Pars Orientis' au IVe siècle (1993), 72
49. Vera, op. cit. (n. 21), 199, 212
50. Goffart, op. cit. (n. 9), 75
51. G. Giliberti, 'Consortium vicanorum', Ostraka 1 (1992), 198-9
52. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 13), 98
53. Of the two, the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Codex Theodosianus have received most attention. See, most recently, J. F. Matthews, Laying Down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code (2000), who offers a detailed account of the process of codification and the implications of this for our interpretation of the texts
54. also T. Honoré, 'The making of the Theodosian Code', ZRG 103 (1986), 133-222
55. and J. Harries and I. Wood (eds), The Theodosian Code: Studies in the Imperial Law of Late Antiquity (1993)
56. For the project under Justinian, T. Honoré, Tribonian (1978) remains fundamental. Note also the comments on the purpose of codification by W. Turpin, 'The purpose of the Roman law codes', ZRG 117 (1987), 620-30
57. and Honoré's observation that the crucial difference between the two lies in the fact that where 'the Theodosian commissioners . . . had no power to eliminate discrepancies between authentic texts . . . Justinian on the other hand insisted that his commissioners harmonize the law': T. Honoré, Law in the Crisis of Empire: The Theodosian Dynasty and its Quaestors (1998), 153 with nn. 317-18
58. The implications of this distinction deserve further study, for they impact upon the extent to which the texts preserved in the Justinianic corpus can be used as evidence for the period to which they are dated. Whitby's remarks concerning the effects of codification upon our interpretation of military legislation in the period arc also relevant: M. Whitby, 'Recruitment in Roman armies, Justinian to Heraclius (ca, 565-615)', in A. Cameron (ed.), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East III: States, Resources, Armies (1995), 77
59. idem, 'Emperors and armies, AD 235-395', in S. Swain and M. Edwards (eds), Approaching Late Antiquity (2004), 169-70
60. J.-M. Carrié, 'Diocletien et la fiscalité', AntTard 2 (1994), 43, 45, 46 nn. 62-3, 48, 53. Further discussion in Grey, op. cit. (n. 3)
61. with the discussions of A. H. M. Jones, 'Census records of the Later Roman Empire', JRS 43 (1953), 49-64 (reprinted in Jones, op. cit. (n. 9, 1974), 228-56)
62. J.-M. Carrié, 'Le riforme economiche da Aureliano a Costantino', in A. Momigliano and A. Schiavone (eds), Storia di Roma, III.1 (1993a), 298; idem, 'Observations surla fiscalité du IVe siècle pour servir à l'histoire monétaire', in L'〈inflazione〉 nel quarto secolo d.C.: Atti dell'incontro di studio, Rama 23-25 giugno 1988, Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, studi e materiali 3 (1993b), 127, 143-6
63. Carrié, op. cit. (this note, 1994), 46 with n. 63, 48-9. For the new tax system of the Late Roman Empire, A. Déléage, La Capitation du Bas-Empire (1945) remains fundamental
64. For fuller discussion of the relatively limited aims of this system, its structure, and the mechanisms through which it interacted with local tax practices and hierarchies, see C. Grey, Peasants, Patronage and Taxation c. 280 - c. 480, unpub. Ph. D. dissertation University of Cambridge (2002), 136-70, with further bibliography
65. idem, 'Le forme del lavoro rurale: aspetti della trasformazione dell'Europa romana fra tarda antichità e alto medioevo', in Morfologie sociali e culturali in Europa fra tarda antiquità e alto medioevo, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 45 (1998), 293-342, with further references
66. The term also appears in the MS of Augustine, Ep. 24, but the reading has been contested by Gabillon, and emended to colonus: A. Gabillon, 'Quelques corrections au texte des nouvelles Lettres', in Les lettres de Saint Augustin découvertes par Johannes Divjack: Communications présentées au colloque des 20 et 21 Septembre 1982 (1983), 41, followed by C. Lepelley,'Liberté, colonat et esclavage d'après la Lettre 24: la jurisdiction épiscopale 〈de liberali causa〉', in ibid., 334 n. 29
67. For later examples of the term, particularly in the legislation of Justinian, see K.-P. Johne, 'Colonus, colonia, colonatus', Philologus 132 (1988), 308-21
68. P. Rosafio, 'Coloni imperiali e coloni privati nella legislazione del quarto secolo', Atti Academia Romanistica Constantiniana 10 (1995), 457
69. Fuller discussion in C. Grey and A. Parkin, 'Controlling the urban mob: the colonatus perpetuus of CTh 14.18.1', Phoenix 57 (2003), 284-99
70. J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church, and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom (1990), 127-8
71. P. J. Heather, Goths and Romans, 332-489 (1991), 123-4
72. G. Wirth, 'Rome and its Germanic partners in the fourth century', in W. Pohl (ed.), Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity (1997), 35-6 with nn. 100-1
73. Further discussion in C. Grey, 'The ius colonatus as a model for the settlement of barbarian prisoners-of-war in the late Roman Empire?', in R. Mathisen and D. Shanzer (eds), Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of the Roman World (forthcoming)
74. Historia persecutionis Africanae Provinciae 3.20
75. with A. H. M. Jones, 'Capitatio and Iugatio', JRS 47 (1957), 88-94 (reprinted in Jones, op. cit. (n. 9, 1974), 280-92)
76. Goffart, op. cit. (n. 9), 35 with n. 13
77. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 10), 164
78. Déléage, op. cit. (n. 33), 159
79. A. H. M. Jones, 'Taxation in Antiquity', in Jones, op. cit. (n. 9, 1974), 164 and n. 77
80. Cf. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4), 223-4, 234, for the ius alienum as indicating an obligation to another estate, rather than another person
81. See the discussion of A. J. B. Sirks, 'The farmer, the landlord and the law in the fifth century', in R. Mathisen (ed.), Law, Society, and Authority in Late Antiquity (2001), 262-5 with nn. 22-31
82. G. Giliberti, Servus quasi colonus: forme non tradizionali di organizzazione del lavoro nella società romana (1981), 14-15; Lepelley, op. cit. (n. 35), 335
83. C. R. Whittaker, 'Circe's pigs: from slavery to serfdom in the later Roman world', Slavery and Abolition 8.1 (1987), 88-122, at 109 (republished in M. I. Finley and W. Scheidel (eds), Classical Slavery (2nd edn, 1999))
84. D. Vera, 'Schiavitù rurale e colonato nell'Italia imperiale', Scienze dell'Antichità: Storia Archeologia Antropologia 6-7 (1992-93), 317
85. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 7), 332, 350-1
86. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 13), 94
87. Scheidel, op. cit. (n. 4), 731
88. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4), 252
89. Note, for example, Augustine's confusion over the relative rights of landowner, purchaser, and parent in the event of a colonus selling a child into slavery: Augustine, Ep. 24. See, recently, the discussion of V. Vuolanto, 'Selling a freeborn child: rhetoric and social realities in the Late Roman world', Ancient Society 33 (2003), 169-207
90. also C. Grey, 'Slavery in the Late Roman World', in K. Bradley and P. Cartledge (eds), The Cambridge World History of Slavery: The Ancient Mediterranean World (forthcoming)
91. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 33, 1993b), 139
92. Goffart, op. cit. (n. 9), 81 with n. 46
93. Eibach, op. cit. (n. 21), 130-1
94. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4), 226
95. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 10), 168 n. 59
96. Giliberti, op. cit. (n. 4), 86-7
97. A. Marcone, 'Late Roman social relations', CAH 13 (1998), 370
98. Jones, op. cit. (n. 9), 7-8
99. A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 3 vols (1964), 799
100. contra Eibach, op. cit. (n. 21), 205-18
101. A. V. Koptev, 'The raptor and the disgraced girl in Sidonius Apollinaris' Epistula V. 19', Ancient Society 34 (2004), 287
102. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 13), 128, 141
103. Nörr's discussions of the origo remain valuable: D. Nörr, 'Origo. Studien zur Orts-, Stadt- und Reichszugehörigkeit in der Antike', RHD31 (1963), 525-600
104. idem, 'Origo', RE Suppl.10 (1965), 433-73
105. The potential for conflict between agrarian practices and fiscal concerns has long been recognized, but might profit from more detailed study. Whittaker's comments on the problem of agri deserti remain fundamental: C. R. Whittaker, 'Agri deserti', in M. I. Finley (ed.), Studies in Roman Property (1976), 137-65
106. idem, 'Inflation and the economy in the fourth century A. D.', in C. E. King (ed.), Imperial Revenue, Expenditure and Monetary Policy in the Fourth Century A. D., BAR Int. Ser. 76 (1980), 1-22
107. A. H. M. Jones, 'The caste system in the Later Roman Empire', Eirene 8 (1970), 79-96 (reprinted in Jones, op. cit. (n. 9, 1974), 396-418) remains an invaluable collection of texts and sources, though his interpretation of a 'caste system' should be rejected. Note also Sirks, op. cit. (n. 10)
108. A. H. M. Jones, 'The economic life of the towns of the Roman Empire', Receuils de la Société Jean Bodin VII (1955), 161-92, at 188-90 (reprinted in Jones, op. cit. (n. 9, 1974), 35-60)
109. A. J. B. Sirks, 'Sulpicius Severus' letter to Salvius', BlDR 85 (1982), 143-70, at 153-5
110. The argument over whether adscripticius and censibus adscriptus are synonyms is of long standing. O. Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, vol. 2 (1901), 264-6, 491 affirmed that they were, and in this has been followed by Mircovic, op. cit. (n. 20), 65
111. For lists of texts, R. Mayr, Vocabularium Codicis lustiniani I: pars latina (1965), 446
112. For third- and fourth-century interpolations in the Justinianic Code, Jones, op. cit. (n. 9), 3 n. 21
113. Eibach, op. cit. (n. 21), 104, 204
114. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 7), 335 with n. 12, 352
115. Durliat, op. cit. (n. 26), 53-4
116. Mircovic, op. cit. (n. 20), 66-8, 108-9
117. Sarris, op. cit. (n. 24), 299
118. Note the contrasting interpretations of this text by Sirks, op. cit. (n. 7), 354-8
119. D. Vera, 'Del servus al servus quasi colonus, un altra transicio?', L'Avenç 131 (1989), 32-7, at 35
120. Jones, op. cit. (n. 80), 799
121. Carrié, op. cit. (n. 4), 219
122. Sirks, op. cit. (n. 7), 350, agrees, but situates the genesis of the condition in private relationships, not the late Roman administration
123. Jones, op. cit. (n. 9), 3 with nn. 21 and 23, providing a list of references
124. The most detailed account of the term inquilinus is P. Rosafio, 'Inquilinuis', Opus 3 (1984), 121-31
125. Clausing, op. cit. (n- 4), 17 n. 3, 196 believed inquilini were essentially the same as coloni, but that they rented a domicile in addition to land
126. Eibach, op. cit. (n. 21), 243, concludes that the similarities or differences between coloni and inquilini cannot be determined
127. Enarrationes in Psalmos CXVIII.8.19.1: 'Inquilini, who do not have their own home, live in one belonging to another'
128. See now Koptev's recent discussion of this text, concentrating in particular upon its connection with legal principles of the period: Koptev, op. cit. (n. 80), passim. For an alternative perspective, C. Grey, 'Two young lovers: an abduction marriage and its consequences in fifth-century Gaul', CQ (forthcoming)
129. For general treatments of the intellectual climate of the period, see, recently, A. Cameron, 'Remaking the past', in G. W. Bowersock, P. Brown and O. Grabar (eds), Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World (1999), 1-20. Compilation and codification was not limited to legal texts, as Oribasius' Medical Compilations and Palladius' Opus Agriculturae reveal