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1
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46949105955
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From 1945 to 1989 the UN Security Council authorised a new peacekeeping operation, on average, about once every four years. Since the end of the Cold War, that frequency has risen to an average of one new mission every six months. Similarly, over that same period the United States has led multinational interventions in Kuwait, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq and, in 2004, Haiti once again, although that operation was quickly turned over to the UN.
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From 1945 to 1989 the UN Security Council authorised a new peacekeeping operation, on average, about once every four years. Since the end of the Cold War, that frequency has risen to an average of one new mission every six months. Similarly, over that same period the United States has led multinational interventions in Kuwait, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq and, in 2004, Haiti once again, although that operation was quickly turned over to the UN.
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3
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3142734206
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looked at the post-Second World War occupations of Germany and Japan and the post-Cold War missions in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq; it was summarised in James Dobbins, America's Role in Nation-Building: From Germany to Iraq, Survival, 45, no. 4, Winter 2003-04, pp. 87-110
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looked at the post-Second World War occupations of Germany and Japan and the post-Cold War missions in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq; it was summarised in James Dobbins, 'America's Role in Nation-Building: From Germany to Iraq', Survival, vol. 45, no. 4, Winter 2003-04, pp. 87-110.
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5
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31144438966
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examined the Cold War mission in the Congo, and the more recent operations in Namibia, Mozambique, Cambodia, El Salvador, Eastern Slavonia, Sierra Leone and East Timor; it was summarised in James Dobbins, 'The UN's Role in Nation-Building: From the Belgian Congo to Iraq', Survival, 46, no. 4, Winter 2004-05, pp. 81-10.
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examined the Cold War mission in the Congo, and the more recent operations in Namibia, Mozambique, Cambodia, El Salvador, Eastern Slavonia, Sierra Leone and East Timor; it was summarised in James Dobbins, 'The UN's Role in Nation-Building: From the Belgian Congo to Iraq', Survival, vol. 46, no. 4, Winter 2004-05, pp. 81-10.
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46949096465
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This article summarises the conclusions in the forthcoming third of RAND case studies, James Dobbins, Seth G. Jones, Keith Crane, Nora Bensahel, Christopher Chivvis, Benjamin W. Goldsmith, F. Stephen Larrabee, Andrew Radin and Brooke Sterns, Europe's Role in Nation Building: From the Balkans to the Congo Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2008, The core team for all three studies has been Dobbins, Jones and Crane
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This article summarises the conclusions in the forthcoming third volume of RAND case studies, James Dobbins, Seth G. Jones, Keith Crane, Nora Bensahel, Christopher Chivvis, Benjamin W. Goldsmith, F. Stephen Larrabee, Andrew Radin and Brooke Sterns, Europe's Role in Nation Building: From the Balkans to the Congo (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2008). The core team for all three studies has been Dobbins, Jones and Crane.
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7
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46949100988
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The American-led intervention in Iraq, which did not gain UN Security Council endorsement and was conducted in an oil-rich society, might be viewed as an exception to this rule. Nevertheless, while many governments regretted America's entry into Iraq, few want it to leave prematurely, and most support the UN Security Council mandate which eventually came. Further, whatever role Iraq's oil wealth may have played in the American decision to invade, it is never likely to repay or even defray the cost of the intervention. By contrast, oil certainly played a large role in the international community's decision to go to the rescue of Kuwait in 1991, an intervention that was funded, in part, by Kuwaiti oil money. On the other hand, the nation-building component of that operation was minimal.
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The American-led intervention in Iraq, which did not gain UN Security Council endorsement and was conducted in an oil-rich society, might be viewed as an exception to this rule. Nevertheless, while many governments regretted America's entry into Iraq, few want it to leave prematurely, and most support the UN Security Council mandate which eventually came. Further, whatever role Iraq's oil wealth may have played in the American decision to invade, it is never likely to repay or even defray the cost of the intervention. By contrast, oil certainly played a large role in the international community's decision to go to the rescue of Kuwait in 1991, an intervention that was funded, in part, by Kuwaiti oil money. On the other hand, the nation-building component of that operation was minimal.
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46949087080
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This advice is, of course, equally valid for the United States, at least once the level of its troop commitment in Iraq is substantially reduced
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This advice is, of course, equally valid for the United States, at least once the level of its troop commitment in Iraq is substantially reduced.
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