Bosnia and herzegovina: Thinking beyond institution-building

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics

Volumn 14, Issue 2, 2008, Pages 266-288

  Touquet, Heleen ^a   Vermeersch, Peter ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LEUVEN   (Belgium)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ELITE POLITICS; ETHNOPOLITICS; NATIONAL IDENTITY; NATIONAL POLITICS; NATIONALISM; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; STATE BUILDING;

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA; EURASIA; EUROPE; SOUTHERN EUROPE;

EID: 46649112969     PISSN: 13537113     EISSN: 15572986     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13537110801985120     Document Type: Article

References (51)

1. The conditional mood is important here. Attention from policymakers is not always 100% positive. As we will see further in the paper, some grassroots protestmovements in BiH do not want to receive support from policymakers because they hope to benefit from perceived political neutrality. Examples outside Bosnia, too, have shown the problem of political support. The student organization Otpor in Serbia, for instance, lost a lot of its popular backing after it became known that it got funding from sources in the United States.
2. Florian Bieber, Post-War Bosnia: Ethnicity, Inequality and Public Sector Governance (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2006)
3. Sumantra Bose, Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2002)
4. David Chandler, Bosnia. Faking Democracy after Dayton (London: Pluto Press, 2000)
5. Radha Kumar, Divide and Fall? Bosnia in the Annals of Partition (London: Verso, 1999)
6. Sabrina P. Ramet, Thinking about Yugoslavia: Scholarly Debates about the Yugoslav Breakup and the Wars in Bosnia and Kosovo (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
7. Consociationalism is mostly associated with the work of Lijphart; integrative power-sharing is a theory developed by Horowitz. See on this topic, Nina Caspersen, "Good Fences Make Good Neighbours? A Comparison of Consociational and Integrative Conflict Regulation Strategies in Post-Dayton Bosnia," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 41, No. 5 (2004), pp. 569-588
8. Agata Dziewulska, "Theory Versus Practice: Peace Processes in Bosnia," Peace, Conflict and Development, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2002), http://www.peacestudiesjournal.org.uk/docs/BosniaTheory.pdf [accessed 29 June 2007].
9. Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, CA: University Of California Press, 1985), p. 576.
10. Richard Caplan, International Governance of War-Torn Territories. Rule and Reconstruction (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005) p. 111.
11. Steven L. Burg and Paul S. Shoup, The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention (London: M. E. Sharpe, 1999); p. 368
12. Caplan, p. 111.
13. Peter Andreas, "The Clandestine Political Economy of War and Peace in Bosnia," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 48, No. 1 (2004), pp. 29-52
14. Amra Festic and Adrian Rausche, "War by Other Means: How Bosnia's Clandestine Political EconomiesObstruct State and Peacebuilding," Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 51, No. 3 (2004), pp. 7-34
15. Michael Pugh, "Postwar Political Economy in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Spoils of Peace," Global Governance, Vol. 8, No. 4, (2002), pp. 467-483.
16. Bruce R. Hitchner, "From Dayton to Brussels: The Story Behind the Constitutional and Governmental Reform Process in Bosnia and Herzegovina," The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Vol. 30, No. 1(2006), pp. 125-135.
17. Ibid., p. 132.
18. Florian Bieber, "Bosnia and Herzegovina: Tip My Hat to the New Constitution," Transitions Online, (16 February 2006) http://www.tol.cz [accessed 29 June 2007].
19. Oxford Research International, The Silent Majority Speaks (Sarajevo: UNDP, 2007), http://www.undp.ba/index.aspx?PID=7&RID=413 [accessed 16 July 2007].
20. See, e.g., the criticism formulated by Jon E. Fox. and Cynthia Miller-Idriss, "Everyday Nationhood," Paper presented at the 11th Annual World Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN), Columbia University, 23-25 March 2006.
21. According to the OSCE, voter turnout in the October 2006 elections was at 54% of the registered voters.
22. Max Weber, From Max Weber, translated and edited by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Galaxy, 1946/1958), p. 78.
23. Joel S. Migdal, State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
24. Migdal, p. 36.
25. Aleksandar Hemon, "In Praise of Jasmila," (London: The Bosnian Institute, 2006) http://www.bosnia.org.uk/news/newsbody.cfm?newsid=2192 [accessed 7 May 2007].
26. Migdal, p. 107.
27. Some authors have speculated about how vernacular understandings of "Europe" as a unifying framework might have a significant influence on how the Bosnian state is perceived. According to Zoran Pajić "there may be a way out of [Bosnia's] impasse in an overarching European identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would embrace all peoples and individuals alike, without interfering with their respective ethnic or group interests. In order to be able to consider this prospect the country needs a broader framework to enable people to see the future beyond the Sarajevo-Belgrade-Zagreb triangle that has been squeezing them for the last 15 years. Europe indeed stands today as a beacon for all and everyone in Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of age, ethnic or religious background, political affiliation or profession." Zoran Pajić, "State-Building: From Transition to Transformation," Transitions Online (12 Feb. 2007), http://www.tol.cz [accessed 17 May 2007].
28. Predrag Popović, "Bosnia's Sleepy Youth Draw Inspiration from Serbia," Balkan Insight (26 May 2006), http://www.birn.eu.com [accessed 26 May 2006].
29. "Party on PRIVATE Plateau in Front of Joint Institutions Building," Oneworld.net (27 June 2007) http://oneworld.org [accessed 3 July 2007].
30. In Sept. 2006, violent street protests erupted in Budapest after a tape had surfaced in which the newly reelected Hungarian prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsány admitted that he had lied about the state of the economy during the elections campaign.
31. Telephone interview with Ševko Bajić, 17 July 2007.
32. The creation of 150,000 jobs, the eradication of extreme poverty, a minimal pension of 250KM, access to healthcare and welfare for everyone, raise the living standards in the countryside, new opportunities for the young, the reduction of expenses for administration, the completion of education reform, the decrease of corruption, new attempts to fulfill the conditions for entry into the EU, more efficient public enterprises, the doubling of direct foreign investments.
33. Telephone interview with Ševko Bajić, 17 July 2007.
34. Tihomir Loza, "Rising from the Ashes," Transitions Online (26 June 2007) http://www.tol.cz [accessed 26 June 2007].
35. Davorka Ljubisić, A Politics of Sorrow: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia (London: Black Rose Books, 2004).
36. Guy M. Robinson and Alma Pobrić, "Nationalism and Identity in Post- Dayton Accords: Bosnia-Hercegovina," Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, Vol. 97, No. 3 (2006), pp. 237-252.
37. Fran Markowitz, "Census and Sensibilities in Sarajevo," Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 49, No. 1 (2007), pp. 40-73.
38. Robinson and Pobrić, p. 242.
39. Stephen Reicher and Nick Hopkins, Self and Nation: Categorization, Contestation and Mobilization. (London: Sage Publications, 2001), p. xi.
40. Robinson and Pobrić, p. 248.
41. Ibid., p. 246.
42. Ibid., p. 248.
43. Ibid., p. 248.
44. PaulaM. Pickering, "Generating Social Capital for Bridging Ethnic Divisions in the Balkans: Case Studies of Two Bosniak Cities," Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 29, No. 1 (2006) p. 84.
45. Ibid., p. 92.
46. Richard Lewis, "The Lessons from the Belgian Constitution for Multiethnic Societies," in Dzemal Sokolovic and Florian Bieber (eds.), Reconstructing Multiethnic Societies: The Case of Bosnia Herzegovina, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001)
47. Sherrill Stroschein, "What Belgium Can Teach Bosnia: The Uses of Autonomy in 'Divided House' States," Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol. 4, No. 3 (2003), pp. 1-31.
48. Wilfried Swenden, "What - If Anything - Can the European Union Learn from Belgian Federalism and Vice Versa?" Regional and Federal Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (2005), pp. 187-205.
49. Dirk Jacobs, "Review," Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 30, No. 6 (2004), pp. 1224-1227.
50. EU funds in the CARDS-program for Bosnia, for instance, are three times more likely to be used for top-down projects (e.g., in the field of economic development), rather than bottom-up ones (e.g., funds for civil society, democracy and the media), so it appears from an analysis by Dimitar Bechev and Svetlozar Andreev. These authors have concluded that the EU has neglected the support of social capital because it simply assumes that institutional efficiency will generate public trust. See: Dimitar Bechev and Svetlozar Andreev, "Top-Down vs Bottom-Up Aspects of the EU Institution-Building Strategies in the Western Balkans," SEESOX Occasional Paper, No. 3/05 (2005), http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/esc/esclectures/bechevandreev.pdf [accessed 17 Nov. 2006].
51. Paul Wapner, "The State or Else! Statism's Resilience in NGO Studies," International Studies Review, Vol. 9, No. 1 (2007), pp. 85-86.