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Volumn 78, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 309-333

Waitangi tales

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EID: 4544240322     PISSN: 00048402     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00048400012349621     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (9)

References (52)
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    • This is emphasised in both Article Two, and again in the final clause, of the Treaty of Waitangi; Waitangi: Maori and Pakeha Perspectives of the Treaty of Waitangi, ed. I. H. Kawharu (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 316-8. The Secretary of State for War and Colonies, Lord Normanby, was insistent on this point in his formal instructions to the British negotiator, Captain Hobson; W. David Mclntyre and W. J. Gardner, eds., Speeches and Documents on New Zealand History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 10-7 at p. 14
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    • Lord Nottingham, Maynard v. Moseley [1676] 3 Swan. 651, 655, 36 E.R. 1009, 1011. In fact, of course, that is broadly what Courts of Chancery and the law of equity did throughout the ages; P. S. Atiyah, The Rise and Fall of Freedom of Contract (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), pp. 148 ff
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    • I refer here specifically to the practice of putting day-to-day social relations on a contractual footing ('contractualism', in contemporary jargon). It remains perfectly possible that practices which are not themselves contractual in form might nonetheless have some deeper 'contractarian' foundations. See David Gauthier, 'Political contractarianism', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 132-48
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    • A useful comparative analysis of the two texts by I. H. Kawharu is contained in Waitangi, ed. Kawharu, pp. 316-21. The differences are discussed more fully in Section IV below
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    • Knowing that, they still appeal surprisingly frequently to precisely these treaties, insisting we govern relations in accordance with them. See Russel Barsh and James Youngblood Henderson, The Road: Indian Tribes and Political Liberty (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Prucha, American Indian Treaties, esp. ch. 17; James Tully, Strange Multiplicity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), esp. pp. 116-39; and Robert A. Williams, Jr., 'The algebra of federal Indian law', Wisconsin Law Review, (1986), 219-99; and, on the role of the Treaty of Waitangi in recent Aotearora/New Zealand political debates, Sharp, Justice and the Maori
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    • Shaw, Title to Territory in Africa, pp. 38-45. Note that the whole of chapter 5 ('On Property') of the Second Treatise of Government is 'organized around a contrast between Europe, where appropriation without consent is not permitted because political societies exist, and America, where appropriation without consent is permitted because it is in a state of nature'; Tully, An Approach to Political Philosophy, p. 145. These arguments were used to the particular disadvantage of Australian Aborigines, as discussed in Section III below
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    • As suggested by Kawharu, Waitangi, p. 319, insistently translating 'kawanatanga' as meaning merely 'government'. See further J. G. A. Pocock, 'Law, sovereignty and history in a divided culture: the case of New Zealand and the Treaty of Waitangi', McGill Law Journal 43 (Oct 1998), 481-506
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    • McHugh, 'Constitutional theory and Maori claims' and 'Crown-tribe relations', pp. 205-8. The analogy in view is between 'individuals subjecting themselves completely to other individuals' and 'groups/peoples subjecting themselves completely to other groups/peoples'. Individually of course we are all the time subjecting ourselves to groups, taking 'oaths of allegiance' and such like. Most of us recognise the practical inevitability of living under some government or another. There is however no corresponding inevitability or practical necessity of one group of people being ruled over by some other
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    • Hobbes, Leviathan, ch. 20. Locke, Second Treatise, secs. 23-4. Earlier writers such as Aristotle, Politics, trans. and ed. Ernest Barker (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), bk. I, ch. 6 foreshadowed this argument, among others; and even Grotius, Law of War and Peace, bk. 2, ch. 5, secs. 27-30 was inclined to treat the just enslavement of captives as just a special case of slaves justly swapping liberty for sustenance, under force of necessity. Cf. Rousseau, Social Contract, bk. 1, ch. 4 and Discourse on Inequality, pt. 2, p. 95
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    • In the words of Vattel, Law of Nations, bk. 2, ch. 12, p. 168. See similarly Wolff, Law of Nations, secs. 399-403
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    • Enshrined, some international lawyers might say, in the Charter of the United Nations, Articles 1(2) and 55. For an international law discussion, see Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law, ch. 24. For some recent philosophical treatments, see: Brian Barry, 'Self-government revisited', The Nature of Political Theory, ed. David Miller and Larry Siedentop (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 121-54; Allen E. Buchanan, Secession (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991);
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    • however, defends the notion of posthumous harm to individuals; 'The rights of animals and unborn generations
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    • Though in a Separate Opinion in Barcelona Traction (Second Phase), International Court of Justice Reports (1970), 286-333 at 304, Judge Ammoun did allude to principles of self-determination as among those 'peremptory norms of general international law'-although the only authority he quoted in support of that claim consisted merely of a speech by UN Secretary General U Thant
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    • Richard Mulgan, Maori, Pakeha and Democracy (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1989) and 'Can the Treaty of Waitangi provide a constitutional basis for New Zealand's political future?'
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