National identity and tensional factors in South Eastern Europe

East European Quarterly

Volumn 31, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 195-205

  Dutu, Alexandru ^a  

^a Institute for South Eastern European Studies   (Romania)

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EID: 43349114372     PISSN: 00128449     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (28)

1. We refer to the anthologies of texts and documents published by Editura Stiinjificǎ in Bucharest, in the 1980s (1848 la Români, 1918 la Români, etc.) under the supervision of Ion Ardeleanu and Mircea Muşat, who worked at the Section for Propaganda of the Romanian Communist Party.
2. It is the topic we have proposed to the participants to a symposium we organized in Bucharest in 1992. The transactions were published in Revue des études sud-est européennes, 1992, 3-4.
3. Stevan K. Pavlowitch, "Who is 'Balkanizing' whom? The Misunderstandings between the Debris of Yugoslavia and an Unprepared West," Daedalus, 123, no. 2 (1994), p. 210.
4. Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy (London: Methuen, 1982), p. 105.
5. J. Goody and I. Watt, "The Consequences of Literacy," in Language and Social Context (Penguin Books, 1983), p. 332.
6. Text reproduced in the anthology Dimitrie Cantemir: Historian of South East European and Oriental Civilizations (Bucharest: AIESEE, 1973), pp. 92-93.
7. On the two forms of patriotism, see our article "Political and Mental Borders," Yearbook of European Studies, 6 (1993), pp. 47-56.
8. On the "common culture," our contribution to the XVIth Congress of Historical Sciences, in Rapports (Stuttgart, 1985), vol. 2, pp. 500-502.
9. Dubravka Stojanović, "Stereotypes in New Serbian History Textbooks between the Class and National Determinism," Revue des études sud-est européennes, 33, no. 1-2 (1995), pp. 49-52.
10. See the entire group of articles published in this issue, with examples from Greece, Bulgaria. Romania and Poland. For nationalism in Yugoslavia, see also Dušan T. Bataković, Yougoslavie, Nations, réligions, idéologies (Lausanne: L'Age de l'Homme, 1994).
11. Very important is the study by H. Bausinger, "VolkskuWr und Sozialgeschichte," in Sozialgeschichte in Deutschland (Göttingen: Vändcnhoeck und Ruprecht, 1987), vol. 3, pp. 32-49.
12. See also Vintilä Mihäilescu, "Nationalité et nationalisme en Roumanie," Terrain, 17 (1991), pp. 79-90.
13. Mircea Eliade, Istoria credinfelor şi ideilor religioase (Bucharest: Editura ştiintificä, 1988), vol. 2, p. 391.
14. Some additional comments are made in our study "Explorǎnle lui Mircea Eliade în domeniul imaginarului," Viaţa româneascǎ, 12 (1988), pp. 74-79.
15. In Dobroudja, the Christians venerated a Muslim saint. Sarî Saltâk Baba from Babadag, wrote a Catholic traveler, Baksić - see Cälätori strǎin! despre Tǎrile Române (Bucharest: Editura §tünţificä, 1973), vol. 5, pp. 221-222.
16. For a more detailed discussion, see my study. Pensée politique autrichienne et traditionalisme roumain, in print, and my contribution to the volume: Der Josephinismus, hrsg. von Helmut Reinalter (Bern: Peter Lang, 1993), pp. 121-136.
17. See Gilbert Dagron, Empereur et prêtre. Etude sur le 'Césaro-papisme' byzantin (Paris: Gallimard, 1996).
18. More at length in our study "National and Regional Identity in South East Europe," in Balkans. A Mirror of the New International Order (Istanbul: Marmara University, 1995), pp. 75-84
19. and in the classical work of Bernard Lewis, The Muslim Discovery of Europe (New York: Norton, 1982).
20. Pavlowitch, The Muslim Discovery of Europe ( op. cit., p. 218.
21. See C.Th. Dimaras, Histoire de la littérature né ohellénique (Athènes, 1965).
22. See our book Romanian Humanists and European Culture (Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 1977).
23. See Vampires Unstated. National Images, Stereotypes and Myths in East Central Europe (Amsterdam, 1995).
24. See J.Th. Leerssen, "Culture, Politics and Borderlands - A Small Scale Case Study," Revue des études sud-est européennes, 31, no. 1-2 (1993), pp. 11-20.
25. See Povestea Elisabetei Rizea din Nucşoara (Bucharest: Editura Humanitas, 1993), in which the old peasant tells her dramatic story.
26. Political control was very tough in Romania and this is why the opponents were not able to elaborate a strategy of coherent resistance and reconstruction before 1989: in December 1989 what seemed to be a dissident group came from within the party and not from without simply because the members of this group had the possibility to meet and discuss issues at party meetings. The true opponents could not go beyond "an impassioned defense of the values of culture, the support of which was seen as constituting a defense of the people against the barbarities of the regime" (Katherine Verdery, National Ideology under Socialism. Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceausescu's Romania [University of California Press, 1991], p. 310).
27. Some of them invoked aspects of a national unity which contradicted the basic Marxist thesis or the monolith imagined by the servants of the communist regime; others advocated the formation of "enlarged solidarities" by underlining the European character of Romanian works and trends - in this sense, see our contribution to a symposium we organized at the Institut Français de Bucarest: "Le comparatisme et l'espirit européen," Synthesis, 21 (1994), pp. 3-8.
28. G.M. Cantacuziono, "Scrisori cätre Simon," in Iniroducere la opera lui Vitruviu (Bucharest: Editura Meridiane, 1993), pp. 228-229.