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See, trans. Ciaran Cronin (London: Polity Press, forthcoming)
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See Thomas Pogge, Realizing Rawls (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989);
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To name a few sources:, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press
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To name a few sources: David Held, Global Transformation (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999);
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Yasmin Nuhoğlu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
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In the words of Attracta Ingram, another advocate of constitutional patriotism, ‘In the normative reconstruction of the modern state, political histories began with a founding act’, the act of constitution-making. ‘The significance of the founding myth is that it denies the relevance of any historical identity for claims on the state apart from the identity it constructs itself.’ Accordingly, ‘the state itself is the source of its own unity, the same idea we are now calling constitutional patriotism’. See
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In the words of Attracta Ingram, another advocate of constitutional patriotism, ‘In the normative reconstruction of the modern state, political histories began with a founding act’, the act of constitution-making. ‘The significance of the founding myth is that it denies the relevance of any historical identity for claims on the state apart from the identity it constructs itself.’ Accordingly, ‘the state itself is the source of its own unity, the same idea we are now calling constitutional patriotism’. See Attracta Ingram, ‘Constitutional Patriotism’, Philosophy & Social Criticism 22(6) (1996): 1–18.
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Some, like Neil MacCormick and Neil Walker, have argued that the EU already has a constitution in its treaties and its functional, organizational, and decision-making structures. MacCormick sees the confusion as the result of ‘the assumption that law belongs either paradigmatically or only within the framework of a sovereign state or a sovereign federal union’
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Some, like Neil MacCormick and Neil Walker, have argued that the EU already has a constitution in its treaties and its functional, organizational, and decision-making structures. MacCormick sees the confusion as the result of ‘the assumption that law belongs either paradigmatically or only within the framework of a sovereign state or a sovereign federal union’; N. MacCormick, ‘Democracy, Solidarity, and Citizenship in the “European Commonwealth”’, Law and Philosophy 16(4) (1997): 331;
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see also, Others, like Heidrun Abromeit and Sebastian Wolf, have argued that there is no added value that the constitution brings to the Union (‘Will Constitutional Treaty Contribute to the Legitimacy of the European Union?’, European Integration online papers (EIOP) Summer [1996])
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see also Neil Walker, ‘European Constitution and European Integration’, Public Law (2005): 266–90. Others, like Heidrun Abromeit and Sebastian Wolf, have argued that there is no added value that the constitution brings to the Union (‘Will Constitutional Treaty Contribute to the Legitimacy of the European Union?’, European Integration online papers (EIOP) Summer [1996]).
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ed. Erik Oddvar Eriksen, John Erik Fossum, and Agustín Menéndez (London: Routledge
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Grimm, D.1
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28
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Grimm resists this characterization by insisting that he does not argue that the requirement for democracy ought to be developed out of a homogeneous people but out of a unified political unit (‘Treaty or Constitution?’, p. 80). But this explanation is based on the conflation of demos and ethnos. His critics do not charge that he prioritizes an ethnic identity over the constitution of a polity, but that he prioritizes a collective identity (demos) over democratic polity. The latest formulation of his view can be found in
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Grimm resists this characterization by insisting that he does not argue that the requirement for democracy ought to be developed out of a homogeneous people but out of a unified political unit (‘Treaty or Constitution?’, p. 80). But this explanation is based on the conflation of demos and ethnos. His critics do not charge that he prioritizes an ethnic identity over the constitution of a polity, but that he prioritizes a collective identity (demos) over democratic polity. The latest formulation of his view can be found in ‘The Constitution in the Process of Denationalization’, Constellations 12(4) (2005): 447–63.
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For the full treatment of this thesis see Jürgen Habermas, ‘On the Relation between the Nation, Rule of Law, and Democracy’, in The Inclusion of the Other (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press), pp. 129–54.
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presented at the annual meeting of Canadian Philosophical Association, University of Western Ontario, 28 May 2005
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Habermas, ‘Why Europe Needs a Constitution?’, p. 21.
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R. Bellamy and D. Castiglione, ‘The Uses of Democracy: Reflection on the EU's Democratic Deficit’, in E. O. Eriksen and J. E. Fossum (eds) Democracy in the European Union — Integration through Deliberation? (London: Routledge, 2000), pp. 65–84.
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Bellamy and Castiglione, ‘The Uses of Democracy’, pp. 171–2.
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Richard Bellamy, ‘Still in Deficit: Right, Regulation and Democracy in the EU’, presented at the second annual conference of the Consortium on Democratic Constitutionalism, 30 September–2 October 2005, University of Victoria, p. 13, 19–20.
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44
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Why Europe Needs a Constitution?
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See Part I, Title III, Article I-11-3; Part II, Title VII, Article II-111; and Part III, Title III, chapter IV, Section 1, Article III-259. On subsidiarity Habermas writes that it ‘is the functional principle that meets the need of the diverse and territorially distinct units of a federation’ but ‘the wider the differences … between these constituent units, the greater the danger that majority decisions at the higher instances will violate the principles of equal protection and mutual recognition of diversity. In such situations, legitimacy can only be secured on the condition that some areas are reserved for consensual negotiations. As we know from countries like Switzerland or the Netherlands, however, consensual procedures suffer from a lack of transparency. Here, European-wide referenda would give citizens broader opportunities and more effective means to participate in the shaping of policies.’
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See Part I, Title III, Article I-11-3; Part II, Title VII, Article II-111; and Part III, Title III, chapter IV, Section 1, Article III-259. On subsidiarity Habermas writes that it ‘is the functional principle that meets the need of the diverse and territorially distinct units of a federation’ but ‘the wider the differences … between these constituent units, the greater the danger that majority decisions at the higher instances will violate the principles of equal protection and mutual recognition of diversity. In such situations, legitimacy can only be secured on the condition that some areas are reserved for consensual negotiations. As we know from countries like Switzerland or the Netherlands, however, consensual procedures suffer from a lack of transparency. Here, European-wide referenda would give citizens broader opportunities and more effective means to participate in the shaping of policies.’ Habermas, ‘Why Europe Needs a Constitution?’, p. 23.
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Jo Shaw and Antje Weiner, ‘The Paradox of European Policy’, NYU School of Law, Jean Monnet Center, http://www.jeanmonnetprogram.org/papers/99/991002.html#P10_393
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Dario Castiglione, ‘Contracts and Constitutions’, in R. Bellamy, V. Bufacchi, and D. Castiglione (eds) Democracy and Constitutional Culture in the Union of Europe (London: Lothian Foundation Press, 1995).
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For an analysis of the French ‘no vote’ see, 13 May, http://www.signandsight.com/features/163.html
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For an analysis of the French ‘no vote’ see Jürgen Habermas, ‘The Illusionary Leftist No’, Sign and Sight (13 May 2005) http://www.signandsight.com/features/163.html
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Sign and Sight
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Thomas Nagel, ‘The Problem of Global Justice’, p. 146.
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Habermas, ‘Why Europe Needs a Constitution?’, p. 12.
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Habermas1
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