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Growing out of and in reaction to world-systems analysis, a commodity chain approach appreciates that one cannot limit one's analysis of a commodity to a particular nation-state, while the entire world economy (the world-system) is too big an entity to interrogate from a practical perspective (among others). The strengths of such an approach are many: It is heavily empirical; it highlights an international division of labor, while clarifying the division of benefits (and detriments often) associated with the making and selling of a particular commodity
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Growing out of and in reaction to world-systems analysis, a commodity chain approach appreciates that one cannot limit one's analysis of a commodity to a particular nation-state, while the entire world economy (the "world-system") is too big an entity to interrogate from a practical perspective (among others). The strengths of such an approach are many: It is heavily empirical; it highlights an international division of labor, while clarifying the division of benefits (and detriments often) associated with the making and selling of a particular commodity
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and it is very much geographical in that it demonstrates the nature of relationships between supposedly discrete locations. See J. M. Talbot, Grounds For Agreement: The Political Economy of the Coffee Commodity Chain Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield 2004
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Contrasting the scene at a Starbucks in an upscale neighborhood of Mexico City, one observer wrote in 2002 of the grim, daily existence of 360,000 mostly Indian coffee farmers who work small plots carved from the jungle mountains of southern Mexico. Sometimes walking six hours from patch to village with a hundred pounds on their back, Indian farmers produce 5,000,000 sacks (134 pounds each) in a good year .... For recompense, coffee farmers and their families suffer endemic malnutrition; they have the lowest income levels and the worst health and educational statistics in Mexico (Ross, note 7).
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Contrasting the scene at a Starbucks in an upscale neighborhood of Mexico City, one observer wrote in 2002 of "the grim, daily existence of 360,000 mostly Indian coffee farmers who work small plots carved from the jungle mountains of southern Mexico. Sometimes walking six hours from patch to village with a hundred pounds on their back, Indian farmers produce 5,000,000 sacks (134 pounds each) in a good year .... For recompense, coffee farmers and their families suffer endemic malnutrition; they have the lowest income levels and the worst health and educational statistics in Mexico" (Ross, note 7).
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J. M. Lewis, 'Strategies for Survival: Migration and Fair-Trade Organic Coffee Production in Oaxaca, Mexico'(Working Paper 118), (San Diego: Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, University of California, San Diego, June 2005), available at http://www.ccis-ucsd.org/ PUBLICATIONS/wrkg118.pdf. Interestingly, Lewis finds that continued engagement in the coffee sector and out-migration are not mutually exclusive survival strategies. Migration can and often does provide a source of capital that can make coffee production more economically viable.
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United States Congress, 'The Coffee Crisis in the Western Hemisphere', Hearing before the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Seventh Congress, July 24, 2002 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office 2002).
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Oxfam America, 'The Coffee Crisis Continues: Situation Assessment and Policy Recommendations for Reducing Poverty in the Coffee Sector' (April 2005) p. 24, available at http://www.oxfamamerica.org/ newsandpublications/publications/research_reports/crisis_continues. The report cites as its source R. Rivera et al. El Impacto de la Crisis de Café en El Salvador (San Salvador: Fundación Nacional para el Desarollo [FUNDE] 2003).
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and F. J. Daniel, 'Guatemala Farm Rape Clouds Free Trade Debate,' Reuters (29 July 2004), available at http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/fairtrade/coffee/2402.html, accessed 15 Nov. 2005.
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and D. Wilkinson, Silence on the Mountain: Stories of Terror, Betrayal, and Forgetting in Guatemala (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin 2002) pp. 68-69, 76-77.
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For a broad discussion of neoliberalism, see S. Sawyer, Crude Chronicles: Indigenous Politics, Multinational Oil, and Neoliberalism in Ecuador (Durham, NC: Duke University Press 2004). For a brief overview of the development of neoliberalism in Mexico, see G. Otero, 'Mexico's Double Movement: Neoliberal Globalism, the State and Civil Society', in G. Otero, Mexico in Transition: Neoliberal Globalism, the State and Civil Society (Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing and London: Zed Books 2004) pp. 1- 17.
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One estimate states that US corn was sold in Mexico between 1999 and 2001 at 30 percent or more below the cost of production. See Polaski (note 59) p. 17.
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See E. Fitting, 'Importing Corn, Exporting Labor: The Neoliberal Corn Regime, GMOs, and the Erosion of Mexican Biodiversity' Agriculture and Human Values 23 (March 2006) pp. 16-17
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and A. Nadal, 'The Environmental and Social Impacts of Economic Liberalization on Corn Production in Rural Mexico' (Oxford, UK and Gland, Switzerland: Oxfam Great Britain and WWF International, Sep. 2000), available at http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae/Pubs/rp/ NadalOxfamWWFMaizeMexico2000.pdf.
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and J. H. Cohen, 'Community, Economy and Social Life in Oaxaca, Mexico: Rural Life and Cooperative Logic in the Global Economy', in G. Otero, Mexico in Transition: Neoliberal Globalism, the State and Civil Society (Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing and London: Zed Books 2004 pp. 154-168.
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For a contrary analysis of the relationship between the Mexican corn sector and NAFTA, see D. Papademetriou, 'The Shifting Expectations of Free Trade and Migration,' in D. Papademetriou et al. (eds.), NAFTA's Promise and Reality: Lessons from Mexico for the Hemisphere (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Nov. 2003) pp. 51-52, available at http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/ nafta1.pdf, accessed 30 Nov. 2006.
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Also see D. Papademetriou (note 61), pp. 39-59.
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At the same time, however, the Clinton administration claimed that the passage of NAFTA would actually help realise the goal of boundary enforcement: By creating better, high-paying jobs in Mexico, so went the argument, NAFTA would lead to less immigration from Mexico to the United States. See, for example, J. Reno, Consider NAFTA a Border Control Tool, Los Angeles Times (22 Oct. 1993) p. B11
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At the same time, however, the Clinton administration claimed that the passage of NAFTA would actually help realise the goal of boundary enforcement: By creating better, high-paying jobs in Mexico - so went the argument - NAFTA would lead to less immigration from Mexico to the United States. See, for example, J. Reno, 'Consider NAFTA a Border Control Tool', Los Angeles Times (22 Oct. 1993) p. B11.
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U.S. Congress, Subcommittee on International Law, Immigration, and Refugees of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, 103rd Congress. Immigration-related Issues in the North American Free Trade Agreement, Nov. 3, 1993 (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office 1994) p. 36.
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Nevertheless, upon ending her tenure as INS head in November 2000, Meissner wondered aloud, What drives people from one place to somewhere else, taking all kinds of risks? It's one of the fundamental questions of our time (quoted in Migration News, Dec. 2000, available at http://migration.ucdavis.edu.mn/more.php?id=2251_0_2_0, accessed 6 Dec. 2005).
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Nevertheless, upon ending her tenure as INS head in November 2000, Meissner wondered aloud, "What drives people from one place to somewhere else, taking all kinds of risks? It's one of the fundamental questions of our time" (quoted in Migration News, Dec. 2000, available at http://migration.ucdavis.edu.mn/more.php?id=2251_0_2_0, accessed 6 Dec. 2005).
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111
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That said, the actual extent to which NAFTA in and of itself has fueled rural out-migration is a subject of considerable debate. Demetrios Papademetriou (note 61, p. 52) concludes that NAFTA has only played a minor role. Larger structural factors processes that predate NAFTA, such as the longer-term liberalisation and deregulation of the rural economy, are far more important, he contends.
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That said, the actual extent to which NAFTA in and of itself has fueled rural out-migration is a subject of considerable debate. Demetrios Papademetriou (note 61, p. 52) concludes that NAFTA has only played a "minor role." Larger structural factors processes that predate NAFTA, such as the longer-term liberalisation and deregulation of the rural economy, are far more important, he contends.
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For an overview of those phenomena and developments, see, note 4
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For an overview of those phenomena and developments, see Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper (note 4).
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Operation Gatekeeper
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Nevins1
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113
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Thanks to Aaron Bobow-Strain of Whitman College for making me appreciate the need to ask such questions
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Thanks to Aaron Bobow-Strain of Whitman College for making me appreciate the need to ask such questions.
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115
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and the website of Just Coffee at http://www.justcoffee.org.
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and the website of Just Coffee at http://www.justcoffee.org.
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116
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Regarding the complex and often contradictory relationship between the simultaneous opening and closing of the boundary, see, note 4
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Regarding the complex and often contradictory relationship between the simultaneous "opening" and "closing" of the boundary, see Andreas, Border Games (note 4)
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Border Games
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For a discussion of boundary enforcement as a form of violence, see J. Nevins, 'A Beating Worse than Death: Imagining and Contesting Violence in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands', AmeriQuests 2/1 (2006) pp. 25, available at http://ejournals.library.vanderbilt.edu/ameriquests/ viewarticle.php=id=73&layout=abstract.
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and A. Paasi, Territories, Boundaries and Consciousness: The Changing Geographies of the Finnish-Russian Border (Chichester, UK and New York: John Wiley and Sons Ltd. 1996). Paasi borrows the concept of social spatialisation from R. Shields, Places on the Margin: Alternative Geographies of Modernity (London and New York: Routledge 1991).
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