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For the development of cultural nationalism in the neolibral era, see, for instance, R Desai, 'Neoliberalism and cultural nationalism: A danse macabre', in D Plehwe, BWalpen & G Nuenhoe.er (eds), Neo-Liberal Hegemony: A Global Critique, New York: Routledge, 2006, pp 222-235.
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Here I do not cover peasant nationalism, which arose during the anti-Japanese war and finally gave the upper hand to the Communist Party in its struggle against the Guomindang. The reason is simple: Peasant nationalism is not an intellectual phenomenon, therefore it is not comparable to May Fourth intellectual nationalism; furthermore, it has been argued that its rise in the 1930s was an aftermath of the early nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century. As we await thorough studies of the political and policy impacts of the recent resurgence of nationalism, this article will focus on the history of ideas, on the written rather than real-life reflections of Chinese nationalism, leaving an examination of the linkages between the ideas and sentiments of nationalism, on the one hand, and the possible events that manifested in nationalism, on the other, for further studies
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Here I do not cover peasant nationalism, which arose during the anti-Japanese war and finally gave the upper hand to the Communist Party in its struggle against the Guomindang. The reason is simple: Peasant nationalism is not an intellectual phenomenon, therefore it is not comparable to May Fourth intellectual nationalism; furthermore, it has been argued that its rise in the 1930s was an aftermath of the early nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century. As we await thorough studies of the political and policy impacts of the recent resurgence of nationalism, this article will focus on the history of ideas, on the written rather than real-life reflections of Chinese nationalism, leaving an examination of the linkages between the ideas and sentiments of nationalism, on the one hand, and the possible events that manifested in nationalism, on the other, for further studies.
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This Chinese trend is consistent with the general development of nationalism in Asia. For a discussion of Asian nationalism in this regard, see R Desai, Nation against democracy: The rise of cultural nationalism in Asia, in F Quadir & J Lele eds, Democracy and Civil Society in Asia, I, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, pp 81-110
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This Chinese trend is consistent with the general development of nationalism in Asia. For a discussion of Asian nationalism in this regard, see R Desai, 'Nation against democracy: The rise of cultural nationalism in Asia', in F Quadir & J Lele (eds), Democracy and Civil Society in Asia, Vol I, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, pp 81-110.
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A third type of nationalism existed to reject these pro-status quo approaches of nationalism. For example, it tried to direct nationalism to help remake the political institutions in China, calling for a 'rational nationalism' as opposed to the current irrational political institutions that cannot produce rational legitimacy in a Weberian sense. See Wu Guoguang, 'Yi lixing minzu zhuyi kangheng weidu Zhongguo' (Rationalizing nationalism against the containment of China), Ershiyi shiji (Twenty-First Century), 34, 1996, pp 25-33
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A third type of nationalism existed to reject these pro-status quo approaches of nationalism. For example, it tried to direct nationalism to help remake the political institutions in China, calling for a 'rational nationalism' as opposed to the current irrational political institutions that cannot produce rational legitimacy in a Weberian sense. See Wu Guoguang, 'Yi lixing minzu zhuyi kangheng weidu Zhongguo' (Rationalizing nationalism against the containment of China), Ershiyi shiji (Twenty-First Century), 34, 1996, pp 25-33
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See also, March, But this type of nationalism was not prevalent in mainland China and its major publications mostly appeared through overseas Chinese outlets
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March
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For a systematic discussion of the use of the state to change the international distribution of property, see A Breton & M Breton, 'Nationalism revisited', in Breton et al, Nationalism and Rationality pp 98-115.
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Jonathan Glover clari.es these two histories of nationalism in a broad and conceptual sense. See J Glover, 'Nations, identity, and conflict', in R McKim & J McMahan (eds), The Morality of Nationalism, New York: Oxford University Press, 1997, pp 11-30.
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For conservative nationalism, see for instance, JD Lafay, 'Conservative nationalism and democratic institutions', in Breton et al, Nationalism and Rationality, pp 159-172. It should be noted, however, that Lafay discusses this concept within the political context of democratic institutions. Further, his threefold category of nationalism (expansionist, separatist and conservative) does not cover the type of nationalism in early 20th century China that was politically progressive.
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For conservative nationalism, see for instance, JD Lafay, 'Conservative nationalism and democratic institutions', in Breton et al, Nationalism and Rationality, pp 159-172. It should be noted, however, that Lafay discusses this concept within the political context of democratic institutions. Further, his threefold category of nationalism (expansionist, separatist and conservative) does not cover the type of nationalism in early 20th century China that was politically progressive.
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