Instructions for travellers: Teaching the eye to see

History and Anthropology

Volumn 9, Issue 2-3, 1996, Pages 139-190

  Rubiés, Joan Pau ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF READING   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 4244120406     PISSN: 02757206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/02757206.1996.9960876     Document Type: Review

References (134)

1. Quoted from Jerome Turler, The traveiler (London, 1575), p. 22. The attribution to Heraclitus belongs to Clemens of Alexandria. This article is part of an earlier piece which received useful suggestions from various people in 1988, in particular from Peter Burke, Anthony Pagden and Justin Stagl. I also wish to thank David Armitage, Peter Miller and Chris Pinney for comments on various drafts of this version. This article now forms the introduction to a longer manuscript on the same subject.
2. Robert Knox, An historical relation of Ceylon, edited by S.D. Saparadamu, (Dehiwala, 1958), p.lxxiv.
3. 'Quid est methodus? Ars quae quemadmodum disciplina omnis redigi in artem et certam rationem possit demonstrat', a definition by Francis Hotman. Quoted from N. Gilbert, Renaissance concepts of method, (New York, 1960), p.75.
4. S.D. Saparadamu in Knox (1958), p.xxiii. Saparadamu's edition includes a well-documented introduction using manuscript material on Knox's life. The main research was conducted by D.W Ferguson at the end of the nineteenth century. C.R. Boxer gives a more recent appraisal in 'Ceylon through puritan eyes. Robert Knox in the kingdom of Kandy 1660-1679' in History Today IV (1954): 660-7.
5. On methods for travellers see J. Stagl, 'Die apodemik oder "reisekunst" als methodik der sozialforschung vom humanismus bis zur aufklärung' in M.Rassem and J. Stagl, Statistik und staatsbeschreibung in der neuzei (Padeborn, 1980)
6. and by the same author 'The methodising of travel in the 16th century: a tale of three cities', History and Anthropology, IV, 2 (1990): 303-338.
7. This article is particularly valuable and I must thank Justin Stagl for an early exchange of manuscripts before its publication. Closely related is S. Christensen, 'The image of Europe in Anglo-German travel literature', in J. Céard and J.C.Margolin Voyager à la Renaissance, 'Actes du colloque de Tours 1983' (Paris, 1987).
8. A general interpretation of travel literature in this period in J.P.Rubiés, 'New worlds and Renaissance ethnology', History and Anthropology, VI, 2-3 (1993): 157-197.
9. Some of these texts are identified in M.Hodgen, Early anthropology in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (University of Pennsylvania, 1964; pbk ed. 1971), pp. 185-8.
10. I base the present study of 'instructions for travellers' (as they were received, adapted or written in England) on Thomas Wilson, Arte of rhetorique, 1553 (Derrick ed. 1982);
11. Fadrique Furió Ceriol, El concejo i consejeros del príncipe, Anvers 1559
12. (H.Méchoulan ed. Raison et alterité chez Fadrique Furió Ceriol, Paris 1973),
13. translated in English by Thomas Blundeville as Of counsells and counselers, London 1570 (Facs ed. K.L.Selig, Florida 1963);
14. Hieronymus Turlerus, De peregrinationis et agro Neapolitano libri II, (Argentorati 1574), translated in English by William Howe as The traveiler of Jerome Turker (London, 1575);
15. Justus Lipsius, Epistolarium selectarum centuria prima, (London 1586),
16. translated (only epist. xxii) in English by John Stradling as A direction for travailers (London, 1592);
17. Albertus Meierus, Methodus describendi regiones, urbes et arces..., (Helmstadt 1587), translated in English by Philip Jones as Certain briefe and speciall instructions for gentlemen, merchants, students, souldiers, marriners etc. (London. 1589);
18. Robert Dallington, The view of France (London 1604; reprinted with 'Method for travell' c.1605)
19. and A survey of the Great Dukes state of Tuscany (London, 1605);
20. Thomas Palmer, An essay of the meanes how to make our travailes into forraine countries the more profitable and honourable (London, 1606);
21. Thomas Coryate, Coryate's crudities, hastily gobbled up (London, 1611);
22. Richard Johnson trans. [from Giovanni Botero], The travellers' breviat (5th edition, London, 1616);
23. Fynes Morison, An itinerary (...) containing his ten years' travel (London, 1617);
24. Joseph Hall, Quo vadis? a just censure of travell as it is commonly undertaken by the gentlemen of our nation (London,1617);
25. Henry Peacham, The complete gentleman (London, 1622);
26. Francis Bacon, Essays (London, 1625);
27. Secretary Davison, Robert Devereux and Philip Sidney (B.F. ed. [Francis Bacon?]), Profitable instructions describing what speciall observations are to be taken by travellers in all nations, states and countries (London, 1633).
28. The study of the science of the period and its transformation, of course in the wide cultural context conditioned by the different forms of Christianity and by the humanist inheritance, has a strong relevance for the argument of this article. Among the vast bibliography, some recent studies have proved especially illuminating: James R. Jacob, '"By an Orphean Charm": science and the two cultures in seventeenth-century England', in Ph. Mack and M.C.Jacob (eds.) Politics and culture in early-modern Europe. Essays in honour of H.G. Koenigsberger (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 231-49;
29. L.Giard, 'Remapping knowledge, reshaping institutions', in S. Pumfrey, P.Rossi and M.Slawinski (eds.) Science, culture and popular belief in Renaissance Europe (Manchester, 1991), pp. 1947;
30. M.Slawinski, 'Rhetoric and science/rhetoric of science/rhetoric as science', in ibid. pp. 71-99; More arguable, but also useful, is B.Vickers' introduction to Vickers (ed.) Occult and scientific mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge, 1984), where he counterpoises occult and scientific "mentalities", strangely forgetting religious ones.
31. Among earlier studies discussing late Renaissance rhetoric and dialectic, W.Ong, Ramus, method and the decay of dialogue (Cambridge Mass. 1958), Gilbert (1960)
32. and L.Jardine, Francis Bacon: discovery and the art of discourse (Cambridge, 1974) are particularly important.
33. More recently A.Grafton and L.Jardine From humanism to the humanities. (London, 1986).
34. Jardine (1974) ch. 1 stresses the ambiguities of the idea of method in the dialectical tradition, and contains important precisions on the differences between the rhetorical and pedagogic tradition of the humanists (to which the instructions for travellers belong), the neo-Aristotelian thought of Padua, and Francis Bacon's ideas of scientific method. C.Vasoli 'La logica' in G.Arnaldi and M.Pastore Stocchi (eds.) Storia della cultura Veneta vol.III (1980), pp.35-73, also insists that Zabarella's methodus, as opposed to Ramus', was conceived of as part of a demonstrative rather than empirical science.
35. For England see W.S.Howell Logic and rhetoric in England 1500-1700 (Princeton, 1956) as well as the works by Lisa Jardine mentioned above.
36. I have used B.Reynolds' English translation of Jean Bodin's Method for the easy comprehension of History (New York, 1945). The dedication to Jean Tessier (pp. 1-8) and the fifth chapter on 'the correct evaluation of histories' (pp.85 ff) are particularly useful in clarifying Bodin's understanding of the relationship between universality and particularity in history. Bodin's aim is really to define and assess general laws and principles. The book, it has often been remarked, is as interesting as it is complex and often arbitrary. The third chapter alone corresponds to the dialectical (that is, topical) idea of method, and is simply described as 'an aid to memory'.
37. On Ramus and methods see also Ong (1956) and Gilbert (1960).
38. Recently, Victoria Kahn has suggested that the Machiavellian rhetoric of Bacon and Ralegh was also influenced by the methodological concerns of the late Renaissance, although I would disagree with her suggestion that interest in method was 'in tension with the traditional moral claims of Renaissance humanism' (Victoria Kahn, Machiavellian rhetoric from the Counter-Reformation to Milton, Princeton 1994, p.107). We have, for instance, a wonderfully analytical method by his secretary William Temple of Philip Sidney's Defence of poesy, which can be read as an Elizabethan manifesto of the essential connections between anthropology, epistemology, politics, morality and aesthetics. Virtue, no less NeoPlatonic than Machiavellian, was one of the key concepts that was methodised. Thus "Machiavellianism" was not seen by its followers as independent fron ethical considerations, although it certainly coloured a more secular approach to ethical dilemmas. The same can be said about methods for travellers, which always combine moral and technical concerns. Of course, Sidney is seen by Kahn as part of the circle of reception of Neostoicism and Tacitism in the Elizabethan court which many researchers identify with the more activist Protestant faction led first by the Earl of Leicester and then by the second Earl of Essex, and which would have continuity in the early Stuart court through figures like Francis Bacon. I believe that this interpretation is roughly correct, but needs some qualification: the members of these successive circles (since we are talking about at least two generations) had neither identical philosophical and religious views, nor did they form a single compact faction; they shared and cooperated, but then they also shifted and changed. What is interesting is the fluidity of the cultural system and the extraordinary amount of personal connections that it facilitated, but it is difficult to imagine Sidney in agreement with Cristopher Marlowe or Giordano Bruno over many subjects. Furthermore, there are distinctions to be made between Machiavellianism, Neostoicism and Tacitism, and the links between these intellectual influences do not justify ignoring the distinctions.
39. Thomas Blundeville The true order ... (London, 1574), ff. H3v-H4v.
40. Blundeville, The arte of logike (London, 1599), pp. 56-58.
41. Aconzio, like Bacon later, defined 'method' as both research and exposition: 'method is a certaine right way whereby we may search out the knowledge of any thing and, having attained it, how to teach the same commodiously to any other...' (ibid. p.56) which can be usefully compared to a contemporary English translation of Ramus: 'the methode is a disposition by the which amonge many propositions of one sorte, and by their disposition knowen, that thing which is absolutely more clear is first placed, and secondly that which is next (...) from the most generall to the speciall and singular' (P. Ramus, The logike of the moste excellent philosopher P. Ramus Martyr, London 1574, p.94). Aconzio's method has been discussed by Gilbert (1960),pp.181-6. Gilbert stresses that Aconzio seems more modern than he actually is and that he remained a marginal figure. Certainly his language of causes in his discussion of history is heavily Aristotelian. On the other hand, his emphases on systematic analysis, reliance on inductive processes, and practical uses are all interesting - as it is his repeated use by Blundeville.
42. W. Ong, 'Commonplace rhapsody: Ravisius Textor, Zwinger and Shakespeare' in R.Bolgar (ed.) Classical influences on European culture A.D.1500-1700 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 91-118.
43. See A.Blair, 'Humanist methods in natural philosophy: the commonplace book', in Jounal of the History of ideas LIII, 4 (1992): 541-51. What makes Bodin's contribution particularly relevant is of course his central position in the fundamental political and religious debates of the time. It is also worth remarking that his combined works on history and natural philosophy demonstrate the basic methodological analogy between the human and physical sciences (both conceived as historical) in the mind of the humanist thinker of the late Renaissance.
44. J.R.Hale (ed.) The travel journal of Antonio de Beatis (London, 1979), p.56.
45. See Pellegrini Scrittori. Viaggatori toscani del trecento in Terrasanta a cura di Antonio Lanza e Marcelina Troncarelli (Firenze, 1990) and Francesco Suriano, Il trattato di terra Santa e dell 'Oriente (Venezia, 1524), respectively.
46. Hale (1979), pp. 22-41, The sources of the Renaissance travel journal'.
47. Iosafa Barbaro 'Viaggio di Iosafa Barbaro alla Tana e nella Persia' in Giovanni Battista Ramusio (ed.), Navigazioni e viaggi a cura di M.Milanesi, VI vols. (Torino, 1978-), III, pp.485-6.
48. Ludovico de Varthema, Itinerario ed. P.Giudici (Milano, 2nd ed. 1929), p. 335.
49. On the special character of Venetian humanism see M.L.King, Venetian humanism in an age of patrician dominance (Princeton, 1986).
50. For the sixteenth century W.J.Bouwsma, Venice and the defence of republican liberty. Renaissance values in the age of the Counter Reformation (Berkeley, 1968), pp. 135-167, offers a useful overview. More generally, on Venetian culture of this period, see G.Arnaldi and M.Pastore Stocchi (eds.) 1980, vol. III, 'Dal primo quattrocento al concilio di Trento'.
51. On travel literature, M.Zancan 'Venezia e il Veneto' in Letteratura Italiana. Storia e Geografia, II (Torino, 1988), pp. 624-657, although it is too often derivative.
52. On the economic and political context, V.Magalhães Godinho, 'Venise: les dimensions d'une presence face à un monde tellement changé, XVe-XVe siècles', in H. -G.Beck, M.Manoussacas and A.Pertusi (eds.) Venezia centro di mediazione tra Oriente e Occidente (secoli XV-XVI) (Firenze, 1977), I, pp. 11-50.
53. From this A.Ventura published a valuable anthology in 1980). Some Florentine examples of embassy journals range from Giovanni di Tommaso Ridolfi, who accompanied his father to northern Italy in 1480 (see P.J. Jones, 'Travel notes of an apprentice Florentine statesman...' in P.Denley and C.Elam (eds.) Florence and Italy. Renaissance studies in honour of Nicolai Rubinstein, London 1988, pp. 263-280) to the better known relation of Francesco Guicciardini in Spain in 1512-13. Still in Italy, a different case is represented by Antonio de Beatis, who accompanied Cardinal Luigi d'Aragona across the Alps in 1517-18 (see Hale 1979).
54. From the same years, but in an altogether different genre, is the fascinating account of a journey through Europe written by an anonymous Milanese merchant in 1517-19 (see L.Monga, Un mercante di Milano in Europa. Diario di viaggio del primo cinquecento, Milano 1985).
55. English instructions for travellers have been studied by C.Howard, English travellers of the Renaissance (New York, 1914).
56. This author provides the fundamental references and arguments to understand the introduction of the genre from Germany to England, albeit her analysis of the texts is rather superficial. I have therefore attempted to widen the perspective in which the cultural development took place, while at the same time proposing to study the contents of some of the most original treatises closely and systematically. Both Turlerus and Meierus are also briefly discussed in J.Haynes The humanist as traveller. George Sandys' 'Relation of a journey begun A.Dom. 1610' (London and Toronto, 1986). Haynes' excellent analysis of George Sandys' account of his travels in Eastern Mediterranean (1615) includes a chapter on the development of travel literature in Renaissance England. Although he explains that there was a cultural debate on the benefits and dangers of travel, his treatment of these treatises is however superficial. It is true that in Turlerus travelling is linked with usefulness (pp. 33-34), but this has interesting implications other than he is pedantic and "no fun to read".
57. Some observations on methods for travel are also contained in E.G.R. Taylor, Late Tudor and Early Stuart Geography, 1583-1650 (London, 1934) - an essential reference tool for the geographical literature of Elizabethan and early Stuart England.
58. The early modern European "epistemological break" has been better studied by historians of science and philosophy, especially in relationship with Bacon, Descartes, Ramus and Galileo. See for instance A.Rupert Hall, The revolution in science 1500-1750 (London, 1962), especially chs. 1-3 and 7.
59. From the perspective of the history of culture see W.Ong (1958) N.Gilbert (1960), P.O. Kristeller, Renaissance thought (New York, 1961),
60. and J.H.Randall, The school of Padua and the emergence of modern science (Padua, 1961), all of which devote attention to the Aristotelian tradition in the sixteenth century and the problem of method.
61. R.H.Popkin, The history of scepticism from Erasmus to Spinoza (Berkeley, 1979) focuses on the revival of scepticism, a parallel question.
62. Cassirer, Kristeller and Randall (eds.) The Renaissance philosophy of man (Chicago, 1948) provide an important anthology on humanist ideas of man. Important modern evaluations of western culture are based on more-or-less accurate historical analysis of this wide and complex change.
63. See for instance M.Foucault, Les mots et les choses (Paris, 1966),
64. and from the perspective of the history of ideas Ch. Taylor, Sources of the self (Cambridge, 1989).
65. See, respectively, J.Gil and C.Varela (eds.), Cartas de particulares a Colón y relaciones coetáneas (Madrid, 1984), pp.177-203
66. and M.Pozzi (ed.) Il mondo novo di Amerigo Vespucci (Torino, 1993) pp. 7-29.
67. A general survey of Renaissance travel collections can be found in D.F.Lach, Asia in the making of Europe, vol. I 'A century of discovery' (Chicago, 1965), pp.204-217.
68. The role of travelling as an activity that expressed the changes experienced by the European aristocracy must be followed in specialised literature. See A.Maczak, Viaggi e voaggiatori nell 'Europe moderna (Roma, 1994; the original Polish edition is from 1978; there is also a recent English edition). This book is useful and has a good bibliography, although its approach is sometimes superficial. For England, the focus of this work, the literature is more extensive.
69. See Howard (1914) and Haynes (1986). J.W.Stoye, English travellers abroad, 1606-1667 (London, 1952) is very usefull but only deals with the seventeenth century.
70. For Italy in special see G.B.Parks, The English traveler to Italy The Middle Ages (to 1525) (Roma, 1954)
71. and R.S. Pine-Coffin, Bibliography of British and American travel in Italy to 1860 (Firenze, 1974).
72. L.Stone, The crisis of the aristocracy 1558-1641 (Oxford, 1965) gives a wide-ranging account of the evolution of the English élite in this crucial period, discussing also the educational importance of travel (pp.692-702),
73. while the background of education in Elizabethan England is generally discussed by the same author in 'The educational revolution in England, 1560-1640', Past and Present 28 (1964).
74. and by Denys Hay in his 'Renaissance education and the governors' (repr. in Renaissance essays, 1988, pp.389-396). Working on the actual contents of the educational literature, these authors rightly emphasized the influence of humanism and its adaptation to local political conditions. However, the role of travel is not sufficiently addressed in any of these works.
75. Lassels was a rather exceptional representative of the Grand Tour given his Catholic leanings, but his treatise marks nevertheless an important stage in a genre that stood in the end above confessional differences. New light on the evolution of his work between 1637 and 1668 is contained in E.Chaney, The grand tour and the great rebellion. Richard Lassels and 'The voyage of Italy' in the seventeenth century (Geneve, 1985).
76. It would be rather pointless to give here a full bibliography on the expansion of Europe. I shall briefly refer to a few general works. J.H.Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance (2nd ed. California, 1981)
77. and G.V.Scammell, The world encompassed. The first European maritime empires c.800-1650 (London, 1981) are useful introductions.
78. The Portuguese empire is covered by C.R. Boxer The Portuguese seaborne empire, B.Diffie and G.Winius, Foundation of the Portuguese empire (Oxford, 1977)
79. and, for some finer points, S.Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese empire in Asia 1500-1700 (London and New York, 1993).
80. For Spain in America L.Bethell (ed.) The Cambridge History of Latin America, vols. I and II (Cambridge, 1978) is a valuable starting point, although for the metropolitan perspective J.Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs (II vols. Oxford, 1964-9) is more adequate (it has recently been reissued with important revisions as consecutive volumes of 'A history of Spain' edited by the same author, Oxford 1992).
81. On the growing world-economy see I.Wallerstein The Modern world-system, vol. I (Orlando, 1974).
82. For a recent comparative perspective on merchant empires, see the two volumes edited by J.D.Tracy, The rise of merchant empires (Cambridge, 1990)
83. and The political economy of merchant empires (Cambridge,1991).
84. The early English expansion overseas is well covered in K.R.Andrews, Trade, plunder and settlement (Cambridge, 1984),
85. while for the Dutch see J.I.Israel, Dutch primacy in world trade, 1585-1740 (Oxford, 1989).
86. See H.Cline, The "Relaciones Geográficas" of the Spanish Indies, 1577-1586', in Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 44, 3 (1964).
87. For the wider context of imperial science under Philip II, D.C.Goodman, Power and penury: government, technology and science in Philip II's Spain (Cambridge, 1988). Many of the geographical relations prepared in America were published in Spain by Jiménez de la Espada in the nineteenth century, and others have appeared since.
88. However, the initiative seems to have had an influence beyond the production of standard geographical relations. J.S.Cummins thinks that an account as important as Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (Mexico 1609) was influenced by the questionnaire.
89. See Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Pilipinas, translated and edited by J.S Cummins (Cambridge, 1971), p. 26.
90. More obvious is the case of Juan de Pomar's relation of Mexico, where the questionnaire sent by the crown legitimized polemical research into pre-hispanic history by a mestizo from Tetzcoco. It is published in J.García Icazbalceta, Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México, vol. III (México, 1891), pp. 1-69.
91. There were a few exceptions to this rule, because some Catholic universities (Bologna, Naples, Louvain) were considered "safe" for Spaniards, but the overall restriction was harsh and, given the international movement of ideas, of great consequence. Two generations later, the minister Olivares complained that he did not find the thinking men he needed to serve the state. This was paradoxical, because the very international nature of the Habsburg monarchy offered an excellent basis for a cosmopolitan foreign service - the problem was purely educational. In England, instead, despite the existence of restrictions over foreign travel during the reign of Elizabeth, Lawrence Stone calculates that between 1570 and 1639 about 65 peers are known to have spent two or three years travelling in the continent 'and the true number is probably near 80 or more'. See Stone (1965), p. 702.
92. For the Portuguese policy of secrecy see Lach (1965) I, pp. 150-4. Lach's claim that there was a systematic restriction of the flow of information is probably too general, since it is not clear that the circulation of chronicles and descriptions was always actively prevented by the crown. On the other hand, the tendency to regard certain kinds of information as a political asset which needed to be controlled was clear, while the fact that many reports were only used within restricted circles was perfectly consistent with the aims of those who wrote or commissioned them. The effects of religious and political censorship, as well as the rather limited possibilities of the book market in Portugal, had also a considerable effect and help explain that chronicles and stories written for a wide public were not easy to publish. Overall, significant parts of the Portuguese literature of expansion failed to take off as a public genre in their home country (but this is also true of much that was written in Castilian and in Italian).
93. See also G.B.Parks, The contents and sources of Ramusio's Navigationi', Bulletin of the New York public library 59, 6 (1955): 279-313 for his use of sources, and G.Luchetta, 'Viaggiatori e racconti di viaggi nel cinquecento', in Arnaldi and Pastore-Stocchi eds. (1980) pp. 433-489 for the Venetian tradition of travel collections.
94. See Filippo Sassetti, Lettere di vari paesi ed. V.Bramanti (Milano, 1970) p.17.
95. On Hakluyt see, in the first place, G.B.Parks, Richard Hakluyt and the English voyages (New York, 1928),
96. and the introduction to E.G.R.Taylor (ed.) The original writings and correspondence of the two Richard Hakluyts II vols.(London, 1935). The latter work offers an excellent edition of documents and contains the best evidence of what the two Richard Hakluyts (the editor and his elder cousin, who was involved in similar activities) thought about overseas expansion.
97. See also 'A Hakluyt perspective' in D.B.Quinn (ed.) The Hakluyt handbook, II vols. (London, 1974). For Hakluyt's nationalist ideology and its importance in the expansion of Europe, see Andrews (1984), pp. 33-7.
98. Letter from Francis Walsingham to Richard Hakluyt (11 March 1582) in Taylor ed. (1935) II, p.197.
99. For the sixteenth century I have only been able to locate a Petit discours de l'utilité des voyages ou pelegrinages by E.Margriau (Paris 1578).
100. On French geographical literature of the sixteenth century see G.Atkinson, La littérature géographique française de la Renaissance (Paris, 1927)
101. and Les nouvaux horizons de la Renaissance française (Paris, 1935).
102. For the intellectual history of cosmography and travel in the same period see the various works by Frank Lestringant, for instance his L'atelier du cosmographe, ou l'image du monde à la Renaissance (Paris, 1991).
103. And on the importance of travel as an educational experience in the early seventeenth century, despite the lack of an explicit discourse, one may use René Pintard's study of the 'erudite libertins' whose eventual intellectual regression into conformity he deplores: Le libertinage érudit dans la première moitié du XVIIè siècle, II vols. (Paris, 1943),
104. A useful reference guide to several works classifiable as instructions for travellers that were printed in England can be found in E.G.Cox, A reference guide to the literature of travel III vols. (Seattle, 1935-49) -see vol. 2. Also useful, although less comprehensive, is Pine-Coffin (1974).
105. It has been reprinted by F.J.Furnivall (ed.) Andrew Borde's introduction and dyetary (London, 1870). On Borde's life see DNB II, pp. 833-5.
106. Wilson's career, important in its own terms, was also symptomatic of wider patterns. On English secretaries in Italy see K.R.Bartlett, 'Italian theory and English practice in the Tudor state', in D.Letocha (ed.) Aequitas, Aequalitas, Auctoritas. Raison theorique et legitimation de l'autorité dans le XVIè siècle Européen (Vrin, 1992).
107. R.Ascham, The scholemaster (London, 1570) pp. 23-30.
108. See Furió Ceriol (in Méchoulan ed. 1973), pp.140-4 and, in Blundeville's version (Selig ed. 1963) pp.67-73.
109. On Furió Ceriol see Méchoulan ed. (1973) and, for his later years, R.W.Truman, 'Fadrique Furió Ceriol's return to Spain from the Netherlands in 1564: further information on its circumstances', in Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 41, 2 (1979). I shall discuss Furió Ceriol's relationship with Jerome Turler and his moral ideas in a following chapter.
110. Stone (1965), p.693. Edward (1549-87). was the third Earl of Rutland.
111. See also Fulke Greville, Certaine learned and elegant workes... (London, 1933), pp. 295-8.
112. The close relationship between letters written by Essex, Bacon, Fulke Greville and, only a few years earlier, Sidney, is beyond doubt, not just at the level of friendship and exchange, but also at the more ticklish level of authorship. See N.K.Farmer, 'Fulke Greville's letter to a cousin in France and the problem of authorship in cases of formula writing', in Renaissance Quarterly 22, 2 (1969): 140-147.
113. Johnson trans. (1616), pp. 1-20 and 21-33.
114. Fynes Morison, An itinerary, containing his ten years' travel IV vols (Glasgow, 1907-8), part III pp. 349 ff.
115. This modern edition, based on the original but incomplete publication of 1617, needs to be complemented with the manuscripts published by Ch. Hughes with the title Shakespeare's Europe (London, 1904).
116. Mentioned by Maczak (1994), p.232. The manuscript is now preserved at Illinois University Library.
117. On Harvey's role as "facilitator" see Grafton and Jardine, '"studied for action": How Gabriel Harvey read his Livy' in Past and Present no 129 (1990): 30-78.
118. On his understanding of dialectics see Lisa Jardine, 'Humanism and dialectic in sixteenth-century Cambridge: a preliminary investigation' in Bolgar (ed.) 1974, pp. 141-154.
119. The underlying unity of intention among the different court factions during the reign of Elizabeth (led by Leicester, Walsingham, the Sidneys, Raleigh, Essex and the Cecil-Burghleys) has been stressed by John Guy in his Tudor England (Oxford, 1988), p. 255. Indeed, while William Cecil's more cautious and perhaps self-seeking approach to foreign policy has often been opposed to the Protestant "activism" of Walsingham, Leicester and Sidney in the 1570s and 1580s, and their respective positions inherited by Robert Cecil and the second Earl of Essex in the 1590s, these groups did not represent two opposing principles as much as shades within a common position in which the defence of Protestantism, an anti-Spanish continental strategy, and support for colonial ventures were all active ingredients. It would not be fair to see all humanistic cultural patronage coming from the same faction either. The literature on Elizabethan England is of course vast. Guy's book is a good starting point for an analysis of Elizabethan government and politics, and includes a detailed bibliography. For cultural aspects one needs to refer to more specialised works.
120. For the early seventeenth century, K. Sharpe and P.Lake (eds.) Culture and politics in early Stuart England (London, 1994) includes many valuable articles.
121. Peacham (1622), p. 200.
122. The general pattern of English economic expansion and its trade overseas is discussed in Scammell (1981), pp.458-500.
123. See also Andrews (1984) and, for the East India Company, K.N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: the study of an early joint-stock company (London, 1965).
124. On the origins of the "Grand Tour" see Stoye (1952) and C. di Seta, 'Italia nello specchio del " Grand Tour"', in C.di Seta ed. Il paesaggio, vol. V of 'Annali di Storia d' Italia' (Torino, 1982).
125. On the other hand, as is often remarked, Purchas abandoned Hakluyt's careful editorial methods. On Purchas see Taylor 1934, pp. 53-66 and W.Foster "Samuel Purchas' in E. Lynam (ed.) Richard Hakluyt and his successors (London, 1946).
126. On navigational literature see Andrews (1984), pp.29-30.
127. There is a modern edition of William Bourne's A regiment for the sea edited by E.G.R.Taylor (Cambridge, 1963).
128. For England and the mathematical sciences see the exhibition catalogue by S.A.Johnston, F.H.Willmoth and J.A.Bennett, The grounde of all artes. Mathematical books of 16th-Century England, (Whipple Museum of the history of science, Cambridge, 1985), which discusses a good number of the most important titles published in this period;
129. for a more general perspective see D.W.Waters, 'Science and the techniques of navigation in the Renaissance', in C.Singleton (ed.) Art, science and history in the Renaissance (Baltimore, 1967);
130. also D.Howse, 'Navigation and Astronomy: the first three thousand years' in Renaissance and Modern Studies, Nottingham (1986): 60-86.
131. See J.Webster (ed.) William Temple's analysis of Sir Philip Sidney's Apology for poetry (New York, 1984).
132. Davison, Essex and Sidney (1633), p.33.
133. As noted by J.Spedding in Bacon (1861-72), II, p.4. He also identifies parallels with the essay "Of travel". On the other hand; his attribution of the three "Essex" letters he publishes to Bacon is unsatisfactory, according to my discussion above.
134. 'as the doctrine of syllogisms comprehendeth the rules of judgement upon that which is invented, so the doctrine of method containeth the rules of judgement upon that which is to be delivered'. Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning and the New Atlantis, ed. by A.Johnson (Oxford, 1974), p.134.