Peronism and anti-imperialism in the Argentine press: 'Braden or Perón' was also 'Perón is Roosevelt'

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 3, 1998, Pages 551-571

  Jiménez, Laura Ruiz ^a  

^a Instituto Universitario Ortega y Gasset   (Spain)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 4243621042     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X9800515X     Document Type: Article

References (92)

1. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
2. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
3. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
4. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
5. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
6. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
7. This opinion has been expressed by authors close to Peronism, such as C. Buchrucker, Nationalismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1987); J. Hernández Arregui, La formación de la contiencia nacional (Buenos Aires, 1973) and A. Jauretche, FORJA y la década infame (Buenos Aires, 1973). F. Luna, El 45 (Buenos Aires, 1971); A. Ciria, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires, 1985); R. A. Potash, El ejército y la política argentina (Buenos Aires, 1986) and A. Rouquié, Poder militar y sociedad política en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1982), have conceded a leading role to the question of anti-imperialism, albeit from a non-Peronist viewpoint.
8. The important presence of the press in political life has been recognised by many authors. H. Sanguinetti regards it as one of the main destabilising factors in the fall of Yrigoyen in 1930 and F. Luna recognises the vital influence of Crítica in the triumph of the Partido Socialista Independiente in the presidential elections of 1928 in the Federal capital. See H. Sanguinetti, La democracia ficta (Buenos Aires, 1981), p. 169 and F. Luna, 'Vigencia y cuestionamiento de la democracia' Todo es Historia, no. 154, p. 17. In the case of the PSI's success, the influence of a newspaper in political life is palpable. This political group appeared in 1927, following a split in the Socialist Party, and the rapid rise of its electoral fortunes can only be explained by the fact that Crítica, the newspaper with the widest circulation, gave the party its unconditional support. The socialist leader, N. Repetto, referring to the elections, declared that, 'Entre los factores que pueden haber influido en el resultado debemos incluir uno que ha ejercido, a nuestro juicio, bastante influencia: nos referimos a la actitud de una hoja de la tarde que aún goza de gran prestigio'. Crítica, 14 Dec. 1928, p. 9.
9. The important presence of the press in political life has been recognised by many authors. H. Sanguinetti regards it as one of the main destabilising factors in the fall of Yrigoyen in 1930 and F. Luna recognises the vital influence of Crítica in the triumph of the Partido Socialista Independiente in the presidential elections of 1928 in the Federal capital. See H. Sanguinetti, La democracia ficta (Buenos Aires, 1981), p. 169 and F. Luna, 'Vigencia y cuestionamiento de la democracia' Todo es Historia, no. 154, p. 17. In the case of the PSI's success, the influence of a newspaper in political life is palpable. This political group appeared in 1927, following a split in the Socialist Party, and the rapid rise of its electoral fortunes can only be explained by the fact that Crítica, the newspaper with the widest circulation, gave the party its unconditional support. The socialist leader, N. Repetto, referring to the elections, declared that, 'Entre los factores que pueden haber influido en el resultado debemos incluir uno que ha ejercido, a nuestro juicio, bastante influencia: nos referimos a la actitud de una hoja de la tarde que aún goza de gran prestigio'. Crítica, 14 Dec. 1928, p. 9.
10. The important presence of the press in political life has been recognised by many authors. H. Sanguinetti regards it as one of the main destabilising factors in the fall of Yrigoyen in 1930 and F. Luna recognises the vital influence of Crítica in the triumph of the Partido Socialista Independiente in the presidential elections of 1928 in the Federal capital. See H. Sanguinetti, La democracia ficta (Buenos Aires, 1981), p. 169 and F. Luna, 'Vigencia y cuestionamiento de la democracia' Todo es Historia, no. 154, p. 17. In the case of the PSI's success, the influence of a newspaper in political life is palpable. This political group appeared in 1927, following a split in the Socialist Party, and the rapid rise of its electoral fortunes can only be explained by the fact that Crítica, the newspaper with the widest circulation, gave the party its unconditional support. The socialist leader, N. Repetto, referring to the elections, declared that, 'Entre los factores que pueden haber influido en el resultado debemos incluir uno que ha ejercido, a nuestro juicio, bastante influencia: nos referimos a la actitud de una hoja de la tarde que aún goza de gran prestigio'. Crítica, 14 Dec. 1928, p. 9.
11. D. Cantón y J. L. Moreno, La democracia constitucional y su crisis (Buenos Aires, 1986), p. 55.
12. The sources for the circulation figures will appear with the presentation of each newspaper.
13. La Razón, 22 Jan. 1938. In 1946, 5,352, publications were published in Argentina, of which 56 were newspapers in Buenos Aires. See J. Tarín Iglesias, Panorama del periodismo hispanoamericano (Estella, 1972), p. 207.
14. La Razón, 22 Jan. 1938. In 1946, 5,352, publications were published in Argentina, of which 56 were newspapers in Buenos Aires. See J. Tarín Iglesias, Panorama del periodismo hispanoamericano (Estella, 1972), p. 207.
15. In any case, the relationship between politicians and the newspapers did not imply any one single position with regard to the day's stories. The newspapers did not always share the official position of the political parties ; they did, however, make a point of discussing the different viewpoints, thus maintaining their position as privileged witnesses of their time.
16. R. Sidicaro, La político mirada desde arriba. Las ideas del diario La Nación (1909-1989) (Buenos Aires, 1993), p. 10.
17. La Nación considered Alvear the lesser evil compared with Yrigoyen and the more combative sectors of the working class, which were perceived as unmanageable political rivals.
18. J. R. Fernández, Historia del periodismo argentino (Buenos Aires, 1943), p. 120.
19. 'Si se sostiene la universalidad del voto para el hombre, no es justo calificarlo para la mujer', editorial of 14 Sept. 1929, p. 15.
20. This figure rose to 445,000 on Sundays, when the paper included an illustrated supplement. See Las publicaciones periódicas en la Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1946), p. 67.
21. La Vanguardia stopped publishing under Uriburu in 1930 and reappeared in 1932. In 1943 Ramirez stopped the presses on four separate occasions and then closed the paper down in 1944. The paper reappeared as a weekly one year later.
22. E. Goldar, Los argentinos y la Guerra Civil Española (Buenos Aires, 1986).
23. When Colom bought the paper, he contacted Perón and offered to help the military government in return for an indemnization which would allow him to resume publishing the newspaper. The proposal was accepted and sealed the loyalty of La Epoca to the justicialista leader.
24. The Heynes publishing house, despite the British origins of its founder, was controlled by a majority of Argentine capital and directors.
25. Figure offered by El Mundo, 15 May 1940, p. 15.
26. Las publicaciones periódicas en la Argentina, p. 79.
27. From 1943 the paper was closed down several times and its director, J. W. Agusti, imprisoned on one occasion.
28. Las publicaciones periódicas en la Argentina, p. 82.
29. C. Floria and C. A. García Belsunce, Historia política de la Argentina Contemporánea (Madrid, 1988), p. 119.
30. El Mundo, 5 Dec. 1936, p. 7.
31. El Mundo, 5 Dec. 1956, p. 7.
32. Noticias Gráficas, 9 Dec. 1936, p. 5.
33. Crítica, 12 Dec. 1936, p. 1.
34. Crítica, 12 Dec. 1956, p. 1.
35. La Vanguardia, 6 Dec. 1936, Back cover.
36. Noticias Gráficas, 3 Dec. 1936, p. 6.
37. La Prensa, 13 Nov. 1929, p. 13.
38. E. Zimmerman has demonstrated the existence of this social concern amongst the elite as early as the period 1890-1916. See E. Zimmerman, Los liberales reformistas. La cuestión social en Argentina, 1890-1916 (Buenos Aires, 1995).
39. El Mundo, 1 Aug. 1929, p. 1.
40. It is important to point out that Noticias Gráficas and Crítica, two of the newspapers most committed to social justice, were the publications which experienced the largest increase in circulation in this period.
41. Hechos e Ideas, no. 16, November (1936), p. 292. Hechos e Ideas was a monthly publication in which supporters of Alvear and Yrigoyen in the UCR participated, it was used as a forum for the discussion of the party platform. See A. Cataruzza, Historia y política en los años treinta. Comentarios en torno al caso radical (Buenos Aires, 1991).
42. Hechos e Ideas, no. 16, November (1936), p. 292. Hechos e Ideas was a monthly publication in which supporters of Alvear and Yrigoyen in the UCR participated, it was used as a forum for the discussion of the party platform. See A. Cataruzza, Historia y política en los años treinta. Comentarios en torno al caso radical (Buenos Aires, 1991).
43. Despite the generalised admiration for the New Deal, many scholars have declared that, if it had not been for the outbreak of the Second World War, the plan would not have proved able to lead such an impressive recovery by itself.
44. Moreover, Argentina had another reason to admire Roosevelt: his Good Neighbour policy. Given that this article concentrates on domestic political issues, I will not refer to this policy. I would, however, like to show the opinion of the press towards this issue. Accustomed as they were to Washington's almost automatic use of military or diplomatic intervention, the end of this policy had a dramatic impact. Hoover and Roosevelt renounced their right to intervene in the Caribbean and Central America, despite being 'legally' entitled to do so by agreements such as the Platt Amendment in the case of Cuba. This determination was accompanied by a series of economic cooperation measures which generated many expectations in the countries of the region. The Good Neighbour policy is analysed in B. Wood, The making of the Neighbour Policy (Columbia, 1961), H. Peterson, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos (Buenos Aires, 1986) and J. Tulchin, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos. Historia de una desconfianza (Buenos Aires, 1990).
45. Moreover, Argentina had another reason to admire Roosevelt: his Good Neighbour policy. Given that this article concentrates on domestic political issues, I will not refer to this policy. I would, however, like to show the opinion of the press towards this issue. Accustomed as they were to Washington's almost automatic use of military or diplomatic intervention, the end of this policy had a dramatic impact. Hoover and Roosevelt renounced their right to intervene in the Caribbean and Central America, despite being 'legally' entitled to do so by agreements such as the Platt Amendment in the case of Cuba. This determination was accompanied by a series of economic cooperation measures which generated many expectations in the countries of the region. The Good Neighbour policy is analysed in B. Wood, The making of the Neighbour Policy (Columbia, 1961), H. Peterson, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos (Buenos Aires, 1986) and J. Tulchin, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos. Historia de una desconfianza (Buenos Aires, 1990).
46. Moreover, Argentina had another reason to admire Roosevelt: his Good Neighbour policy. Given that this article concentrates on domestic political issues, I will not refer to this policy. I would, however, like to show the opinion of the press towards this issue. Accustomed as they were to Washington's almost automatic use of military or diplomatic intervention, the end of this policy had a dramatic impact. Hoover and Roosevelt renounced their right to intervene in the Caribbean and Central America, despite being 'legally' entitled to do so by agreements such as the Platt Amendment in the case of Cuba. This determination was accompanied by a series of economic cooperation measures which generated many expectations in the countries of the region. The Good Neighbour policy is analysed in B. Wood, The making of the Neighbour Policy (Columbia, 1961), H. Peterson, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos (Buenos Aires, 1986) and J. Tulchin, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos. Historia de una desconfianza (Buenos Aires, 1990).
47. La Vanguardia, 2 Dec. 1956, back cover.
48. Noticias Gráficas, 30 Nov. 1936, p. 6.
49. Crítica, 1 Dec. 1936, p. 1.
50. La Vanguardia, 1 Dec. 1936, p. 1.
51. Noticias Gráficas, 29 Nov. 1956, p. 9.
52. Noticias Gráficas, 12 Nov. 1940, p. 1.
53. The course of these problems from the beginning of the century is dealt with by J. Tulchin, La Argentina y los Estados Unidos. Historia de una desconfianza, Chs. IV-VI.
54. La Vanguardia, 25 Aug. 1927, p. 1.
55. La Prensa, 20 Aug. 1927, p. 13.
56. La Nación, 24 July 1927, p. 4.
57. Crítica, 14 Feb. 1928, p. 1.
58. Crítica, 16 March 1928, p. 7.
59. Ortiz took important decisions such as that of intervening in Buenos Aires and Catamarca to end their fraudulent governments, or the holding of fair elections to the Chamber of Deputies which saw the election of a Radical majority.
60. La Epoca, which supported Yrigoyenistas and Peronistas, who supported neutrality, remained closed at the outbreak of war.
61. Crítica, 16 May 1940, p. 5.
62. La Vanguardia, 10 Dec. 1941, p. 6.
63. La Prensa, 9 Dec. 1941, p. 7.
64. Following the Conference of Río in 1942, only Argentina and Chile maintained their neutrality.
65. The communists favoured neutrality until June 1941, while the Non-Aggression Pact between Hitler and Stalin lasted, but only the Socialists of La Vanguardia bothered to criticise their position, obviously because they competed with them for votes.
66. M. Rapoport, Gran Bretaña, Estados Unidos y las clases dirigentes, 1940-1945 (Buenos Aires, 1980).
67. Crítica, 31 May 1940, p. 4.
68. The inclusion of pro-Allied officers such as Santamarina or Storni in Ramirez's first cabinet showed the huge division of opinion within the Armed Forces. This fact provided a ray of hope for the newspapers and the political parties, but proved to be short-lived : the government came under the control of the most reactionary and anti-US sectors that same year. See R. A. Potash, El ejército y la político argentina, vol. 1, chap. VII.
69. This is the opinion of C. Escudé, who maintains that the Argentines, although sentimentally linked to the Allied powers, opted for neutrality as an assertion of independence from the United States. C. Escudé, Gran Bretaña, Estados Unidos y la declinación argentina (Buenos Aires, 1983).
70. La Prensa, 12 Sept. 1943, p. 6.
71. Noticias Gráficas, 8 Sept. 1943, p. 10. Following the publication of this editorial, the newspaper was closed for eight days and its editor detained.
72. La Prensa, 2 Oct. 1943, p. 4.
73. La Vanguardia, 28 Sept. 1936, p. 1.
74. Crítica, 30 May 1940, p. 1.
75. The former included trade unionists such as Domenech and Almarza and the latter others such as Pérez de Leiros. See H. Matsushita, El movimiento obrero argentino (Buenos Aires, 1983), chap. VII-IX.
76. La Vanguardia, 14 May 1940, p. 1.
77. The pragmatism of the trade unions in their relations with Perón has been meticulously analysed by J. C. Torre, La vieja guardia sindical y Perón (Buenos Aires, 1990).
78. G. Tchac, Sabattinismo y Peronismo (Buenos Aires, 1991), p. 20.
79. Naticias Gráficas, 28 March 1945, p. 10.
80. La Epoca, 13 March 1946, p. 2. This speech by the officer was delivered on 12 Feb. 1946, after the US authorities made the Libro Azul public. It was one of the few written speeches he made, given his tendency to improvise.
81. Electoral poster in the streets of Buenos Aires. See F. Luna, El 45, p. 150.
82. La Epoca, 13 Feb. 1946, p. 1.
83. La Epoca, 20 Feb. 1946. Back cover.
84. La Epoca, 22 Feb. 1946, p. 1.
85. La Epoca, 13 Feb. 1946, p. 1.
86. Quoted in F. Luna, El 45, p. 149.
87. La Epoca, 15 Feb. 1946. Back cover.
88. La Vanguardia, 6 March 1945, p. 1.
89. F. Luna, El 45, p. 428.
90. La Epoca, 13 Feb. 1946, p. 3.
91. Perón strategy with regard to the trade unions is analysed in the aforementioned works of J. C. Torre, La vieja guardia sindical y Perón and H. Matsushita, El movimiento obrero argentino.
92. Perón strategy with regard to the trade unions is analysed in the aforementioned works of J. C. Torre, La vieja guardia sindical y Perón and H. Matsushita, El movimiento obrero argentino.