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The so-called 'bomb for the Ummah' is a clear example of how a huge chunk of the economy has been diverted to the military. See A. Levy and C. Scott-Clark, Deception-Pakistan, The United States and the Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy (London: Atlantic Books, 2007).
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The Jamaat-ud-Dawa, for example, were one of the most effective forces following the earthquakes. The MMA came to power on a promise of 'ensur[ing] provision of roti, kapra aur makan, besides health and education facilities for every citizen and will withdraw all unjust taxes... distribution of state land among landless peasants free of cost as well as provision of subsidized farm inputs to strengthen the rural economy... provision of basic rights, and protection from state violence, oppression and corruption... just distribution of wealth and check concentration of money in a few hands'.
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The Jamaat-ud-Dawa, for example, were one of the most effective forces following the earthquakes. The MMA came to power on a promise of 'ensur[ing] provision of roti, kapra aur makan, besides health and education facilities for every citizen and will withdraw all "unjust" taxes... distribution of state land among landless peasants free of cost as well as provision of subsidized farm inputs to strengthen the rural economy... provision of basic rights, and protection from state violence, oppression and corruption... just distribution of wealth and check concentration of money in a few hands'.
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A close look at the figures shows that these military personnel occupy 13 posts in the cabinet division, 5 posts in the commerce ministry, 98 in communications ministry, 113 in the defence division, 52 in the defence production division, 9 in the education ministry, 16 in the establishment division, 24 in the ministry of foreign affairs, 6 in the ministry of food, agriculture and livestock. There are 88 military officers working in the ministry of interior, 2 in the health ministry, 6 in the housing and works ministry, 29 in the industries and production ministry, 3 in the information and broadcasting ministry, 58 in the ministry of Information Technology, 25 in the Kashmir affairs and northern affairs ministry, five in the labour and manpower division, 17 in the ministry of minorities affairs, 39 in the ministry of petroleum and natural resources, just one each in the ministry of population welfare, the planning and development division and the ministry of religious affairs. There ar
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'A close look at the figures shows that these military personnel occupy 13 posts in the cabinet division, 5 posts in the commerce ministry, 98 in communications ministry, 113 in the defence division, 52 in the defence production division, 9 in the education ministry, 16 in the establishment division, 24 in the ministry of foreign affairs, 6 in the ministry of food, agriculture and livestock. There are 88 military officers working in the ministry of interior, 2 in the health ministry, 6 in the housing and works ministry, 29 in the industries and production ministry, 3 in the information and broadcasting ministry, 58 in the ministry of Information Technology, 25 in the Kashmir affairs and northern affairs ministry, five in the labour and manpower division, 17 in the ministry of minorities affairs, 39 in the ministry of petroleum and natural resources, just one each in the ministry of population welfare, the planning and development division and the ministry of religious affairs. There are two military officials working in the revenue division (CBR), 21 in the ministry of science and technology, 72 in the ministry of railways/railway board, 37 in the ministry of water and power, 5 in the ministry of women development, 6 in the Wafaqi Mohtasib. There are another 37 officers who have been inducted under the military's 10 per cent quota in civilian posts over and above these appointments'.
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Lieutenant General Ashraf Jehangir Qazi, then Ambassador, USA (no longer correct, now special envoy to Iraq); Brigadier (r) Abdul Majeed Khan, Ambassador, Tajikistan; Major General Saleemullah, Ambassador, United Arab Emirates; Major General Muhammad Hussan Aqeel, Ambassador, Thailand; Lieutenant General Asad Durrani, Ambassador, Saudi Arabia; Vice Admiral (r) Shamoon Aslam Khan, Ambassador, Ukraine; Air Marshal (r) Najeeb Akhtar, Ambassador, Brazil; Major General Syed Mustafa Anwaar Hussain, Ambassador, Indonesia; Lieutenant General (r) Muhammad Shafiq, Ambassador, Bahrain; Major General (r) Shujaat Khan, Ambassador, Morocco; Major General (r) Badarud Din, Ambassador, Brunei; Vice Admiral (r) Khalid Meer, Ambassador, Lebanon; Brigadier (r) Muhammad Nisar, Ambassador, Argentina; Brigadier (r) Saeed Ahmad Rafi, Director General of Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Brigadier (r) Mian Khali Habib, Chief of Protocol Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Brigadier Tipu Sultan, DG of Ministry for Foreign Affairs; Group Capt. (r) Khalid Aziz Babar, DG of Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Naval Lt (r) Qasim Raza Mutaqi, Counselor, Rome, Italy; Col (r) Salik Nawaz, Deputy Chief of Protocol, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Capt. (r) Shaukat Muqaddam, Counselor, Doublin; Capt. (r) Masood Akhtar, Deputy Chief of Protocol, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Capt. (r) Zaigumud Din Azam Khan, Counselor, Berlin, Germany; Capt. (r) Sohail Itehad Hussain, DG of Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Capt. (r) Khalid Durrani, Director of Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Lt-Gen Munir Hafiez chaired the bureau until November 2005. He was subsequently replaced by Lt-Gen (Retd) Shahid Aziz. See: Associated Press of Pakistan, 'NAB holds DGs' conference', The Dawn, 2 February 2007, (http://www.dawn.com/2007/02/02/local2.htm), accessed 11 September 2007
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Human Rights Watch has been persistently critical over this issue, and in 2005 they stated: 'The government continued to use the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and a host of anti-corruption and sedition laws to jail political opponents or blackmail them into changing their political stance or loyalties or at the very least to cease criticizing the military authorities'. See Human Rights Watch Online, (http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/12/14/pakist9852.htm), accessed 11 September 2007
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Human Rights Watch has been persistently critical over this issue, and in 2005 they stated: 'The government continued to use the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and a host of anti-corruption and sedition laws to jail political opponents or blackmail them into changing their political stance or loyalties or at the very least to cease criticizing the military authorities'. See Human Rights Watch Online, (http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/12/14/pakist9852.htm), accessed 11 September 2007
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Some commentators have termed linkage as 'fallacious' because in the case of Zia and Ayub 'power was firmly in the hands of the bureaucracy'; however, the argument that the devolution of power has actually devolved power now and that 'power is no longer in the hands of the bureaucracy' appears incredulous. For this alternative approach, see A. Amir, 'A revolution from above', The Dawn, 18 August 2000, (http://www.dawn.com/weekly/ayaz/20000818.htm), accessed 8 June 2007.
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Based on the latest available information, the current composition is: General Pervez Musharraf, President of Pakistan; Shaukat Aziz, Prime Minister of Pakistan; Muhammad Mian Soomro, Chairman, Senate; Maulana Fazal-ur-Rahman, Opposition Leader in National Assembly; Ch. Amir Hussain, Speaker, National Assembly; Ch. Pervaiz Ellahi, Chief Minister of Punjab; Dr Arbab Ghulam Rahim, Chief Minister of Sindh; Akram Khan Durrani, Chief Minister of NWFP; Jam Muhammad Yousaf, Chief Minister of Balochistan; General Ehsanul Haq, Chairman Joint Chief of Staff Committee; General Ahsan Saleem Hayat, Vice Chief of Army Staff; Admiral Muhammad Afzal Tahir, Chief of Naval Staff; and Air Chief Marshal Tanvir Mahmud Ahmed, Chief of Air Staff. See Infopak, http://www.infopak.gov.pk/nationalsecurity.aspx, accessed 8 June 2007
-
Based on the latest available information, the current composition is: General Pervez Musharraf, President of Pakistan; Shaukat Aziz, Prime Minister of Pakistan; Muhammad Mian Soomro, Chairman, Senate; Maulana Fazal-ur-Rahman, Opposition Leader in National Assembly; Ch. Amir Hussain, Speaker, National Assembly; Ch. Pervaiz Ellahi, Chief Minister of Punjab; Dr Arbab Ghulam Rahim, Chief Minister of Sindh; Akram Khan Durrani, Chief Minister of NWFP; Jam Muhammad Yousaf, Chief Minister of Balochistan; General Ehsanul Haq, Chairman Joint Chief of Staff Committee; General Ahsan Saleem Hayat, Vice Chief of Army Staff; Admiral Muhammad Afzal Tahir, Chief of Naval Staff; and Air Chief Marshal Tanvir Mahmud Ahmed, Chief of Air Staff. See Infopak, (http://www.infopak.gov.pk/nationalsecurity.aspx), accessed 8 June 2007.
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An important example being the military's control of the National University of Science and Technology.
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It is difficult to determine more accurately without examples of the textbooks through which this curriculum is being promulgated to students. See A.H. Nayyar, Twisted truth: Press and politicians make gains from SDPI curriculum report, SDPI Research and News Bulletin 11, No 1, January, February 2004, pp 1, 2, 7, accessed 14 October 2007
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It is difficult to determine more accurately without examples of the textbooks through which this curriculum is being promulgated to students. See A.H. Nayyar, 'Twisted truth: Press and politicians make gains from SDPI curriculum report', SDPI Research and News Bulletin Vol 11, No 1, January - February 2004, pp 1, 2, 7, (http://www.sdpi.org/help/research_and_news_bulletin/ nbjanfeb04/articles/text%20only/text=20only.htm), accessed 14 October 2007.
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report suggested that, under Zia, education was corrupted by 'distorted narration of history, factual inaccuracies, inclusion of hate material, a disproportionate inclusion of Islamic studies in other disciplines, glorification of war and the military, gender bias, etc. Subsequent governments either failed to check these harmful deviations, or willingly perpetuated them'. See
-
A Sustainable Development Policy Institute SDPI
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A Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) report suggested that, under Zia, education was corrupted by 'distorted narration of history, factual inaccuracies, inclusion of hate material, a disproportionate inclusion of Islamic studies in other disciplines, glorification of war and the military, gender bias, etc. Subsequent governments either failed to check these harmful deviations, or willingly perpetuated them'. See Ibid.
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'Indian textbooks have a highly slanted and prejudiced view of minorities, particularly Muslims'. Z.S. Ahmed & M. Baxter, 'Attitudes of teachers in India and Pakistan: Texts and contexts', Collaborative Research Studies 1, Women in Security Conflict Management and Peace (WISCOMP) (New Delhi: WISCOMP Publication, 2007).
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'Indian textbooks have a highly slanted and prejudiced view of minorities, particularly Muslims'. Z.S. Ahmed & M. Baxter, 'Attitudes of teachers in India and Pakistan: Texts and contexts', Collaborative Research Studies 1, Women in Security Conflict Management and Peace (WISCOMP) (New Delhi: WISCOMP Publication, 2007).
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Certainly Siddiqa notes that in Pakistan there is 'an almost unquestioning acceptance of the classical realist paradigm for understanding strategic issues or international relations. This is primarily the result of the states ability to market military power as a key option for its security as a state. The military fraternity is the main beneficiary of this image, which is necessary to protect the interests of the armed forces and its civilian allies'. See A. Siddiqa, Military Inc. (London, Pluto Press, 2007), pp 108-109.
-
Certainly Siddiqa notes that in Pakistan there is 'an almost unquestioning acceptance of the classical realist paradigm for understanding strategic issues or international relations. This is primarily the result of the states ability to market military power as a key option for its security as a state. The military fraternity is the main beneficiary of this image, which is necessary to protect the interests of the armed forces and its civilian allies'. See A. Siddiqa, Military Inc. (London, Pluto Press, 2007), pp 108-109.
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Government of Pakistan, National Curriculum for PAKISTAN STUDIES Grades IX -X, accessed 28 October 2007
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Urdu-language press, which is given less attention by western rights groups, is posited to have been 'very heavily censored and controlled' by a spokesperson for Human Rights Watch. See B. Sand, 'Rights groups say Pakistani press freedom under attack', Voice of America, (http://www.voanews.com/english/archive/2007-04/2007-04-27-voa21.cfm), accessed 28 October 2007.
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Pakistan's Supreme Court has more often legalised the military coups and the dismissal of political governments since 1953 all the way to 1999 under various pedantic euphemisms such as 'the doctrine of necessity', although there have been dissenting voices, routinely bypassed by the executive.
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Pakistan's Supreme Court has more often legalised the military coups and the dismissal of political governments since 1953 all the way to 1999 under various pedantic euphemisms such as 'the doctrine of necessity', although there have been dissenting voices, routinely bypassed by the executive.
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There are also reports of troop defections that provide an indication of the complexity of this problem. See T. Niazi, Troop defections threaten Pakistan's operations in tribal regions, Terrorism Focus, 4, No 4, 6 March 2007, p 4, accessed 20 September 2007
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There are also reports of troop defections that provide an indication of the complexity of this problem. See T. Niazi, 'Troop defections threaten Pakistan's operations in tribal regions', Terrorism Focus, Vol 4, No 4, 6 March 2007, p 4 (http://www.jamestown.org/terrorism/news/ article.php?articleid=2370270), accessed 20 September 2007.
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Certainly Ahmed Rashid has stated that 'The Waziristan deal was to prevent dissention within the Pakistan Army - border guards dying, defecting. The deal was to satisfy the Army'. See H. Abbas, 'Musharraf contends with the Pashtun element in the Pakistani army', Terrorism Monitor, Vol 3, No 42, 31 October 2006, p 5 (http://www.jamestown.org/terrorism/news/article.php?articleid=2370188), accessed 20 September 2007.
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Solomen and Hussian certainly claim that 'Many Pakistan watchers say Gen. Musharraf would be hard pressed to rid the tribal areas of al Qaeda and the Taliban, even if he has the will to do so. The groups operate in remote mountainous areas that neither Islamabad nor earlier British colonial governments ever controlled'. See Solomon and Hussain, op cit, Ref 73, p A.6.
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This is based on research conducted by the South Asia Terrorism Portal. According to this research there were 160 people killed by 3 September 2006, in contrast to 79 reported deaths this year at the same point. See South Asia Terrorism Portal, accessed 20 September 2007
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This is based on research conducted by the South Asia Terrorism Portal. According to this research there were 160 people killed by 3 September 2006, in contrast to 79 reported deaths this year at the same point. See South Asia Terrorism Portal, (http://satp.org/satporgtp/countries/ pakistan/Balochistan/data/2006.htm), accessed 20 September 2007.
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Certainly declassified material from the state department dated September 2000 suggests that, 'while Pakistani support for the Taliban has been long-standing, the magnitude of recent support is unprecedented'. Such support is believed to have comprised of 'materiel, fuel, funding, technical assistance, and military advisors' as well as 'large numbers of Pakistani nationals' that 'have recently moved into Afghanistan to fight for the Taliban, apparently with the tacit acquiescence of the Pakistani government'. See The George Washington University, National Security Archive, (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/ NSAEBB/NSAEBB227/34.pdf), accessed 29 August 2007.
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'[T]he Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LET), the Jaish-e-Muhammad (JEM), the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), the Tehreek-e-Jafferia Pakistan (TJP) and the Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM)' were proscribed in 2002. With the exception of the Shia Tehreek-e-Jafferia Pakistan, these groups had a 'strong Deobandi-Wahabi orientation'. See B. Raman, 'Musharraf's ban: An analysis', South Asia Analysis Group Paper, 18 January 2002, (http://www.saag.org/papers4/paper395.html), accessed 3 July 2007.
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'[T]he Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LET), the Jaish-e-Muhammad (JEM), the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), the Tehreek-e-Jafferia Pakistan (TJP) and the Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM)' were proscribed in 2002. With the exception of the Shia Tehreek-e-Jafferia Pakistan, these groups had a 'strong Deobandi-Wahabi orientation'. See B. Raman, 'Musharraf's ban: An analysis', South Asia Analysis Group Paper, 18 January 2002, (http://www.saag.org/papers4/paper395.html), accessed 3 July 2007.
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For example, Akram Lahori, one of the founding leaders of the armed group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, is currently in prison
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For example, Akram Lahori, one of the founding leaders of the armed group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, is currently in prison.
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One account cites the following as being in the MMA manifesto:, ensure provision of roti, kapra aur makan, besides health and education facilities for every citizen and will withdraw all unjust taxes, elimination of feudalism and distribution of state land among landless peasants, Industrial labourers will be ensured their share in factories with increase in their wages and fringe benefits, while their employment will be given protection. They will also be given the right to associate and protest, across the board accountability of rulers, elected representatives, judiciary, armed forces and administration, Every individual will be guaranteed provision of basic rights, and protection from state violence, oppression and corruption, the MMA will check the illegal use of national kitty and resources and put an end to overspending, It will also ensure just distribution of wealth and check concentration of money in a few hands
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One account cites the following as being in the MMA manifesto: '... ensure provision of roti, kapra aur makan, besides health and education facilities for every citizen and will withdraw all "unjust" taxes... elimination of feudalism and distribution of state land among landless peasants... Industrial labourers will be ensured their share in factories with increase in their wages and fringe benefits, while their employment will be given protection. They will also be given the right to associate and protest... across the board accountability of rulers, elected representatives, judiciary, armed forces and administration... Every individual will be guaranteed provision of basic rights, and protection from state violence, oppression and corruption... the MMA will check the illegal use of national kitty and resources and put an end to overspending... It will also ensure just distribution of wealth and check concentration of money in a few hands'.
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Columnist Tahir Mashhadi suggested: 'The selective implementation of the ban on political activity is hard for the people to understand and greatly erodes the regime's credibility While the ban on mainstream political parties is strictly enforced, the religious parties and groups mobilizing substantial number of people mostly alien Afghan refugees and students from the madrassas are permitted to hold their meetings, processions and demonstrations all over the country'. See T. Mashhadi, 'The fundamentalist quandary', Defence Journal, November 2001, (http://www.defencejournal.com/2001/november/contentsnov2001.htm), accessed 16 August 2007.
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Columnist Tahir Mashhadi suggested: 'The selective implementation of the ban on political activity is hard for the people to understand and greatly erodes the regime's credibility While the ban on mainstream political parties is strictly enforced, the religious parties and groups mobilizing substantial number of people mostly alien Afghan refugees and students from the madrassas are permitted to hold their meetings, processions and demonstrations all over the country'. See T. Mashhadi, 'The fundamentalist quandary', Defence Journal, November 2001, (http://www.defencejournal.com/2001/november/contentsnov2001.htm), accessed 16 August 2007.
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Certainly Mir suggests that 'The surprise rise of the religious right in the 2002 elections in Pakistan was attributable to the encouragement of the Musharraf regime. The Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) has a special relationship with the military by sustaining the latter's Afghan and Kashmir policies. The MMA provides Islamabad an alibi to argue that it cannot moderate its policies in Kashmir to the degree that Washington desires'. See A. Mir, 'Deadly double game. The true face of Jehadis: inside Pakistan's network of terror', Asia Times, 26 August 2006, (http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/HH26Df01.html), accessed 16 August 2006
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Certainly Mir suggests that 'The surprise rise of the religious right in the 2002 elections in Pakistan was attributable to the encouragement of the Musharraf regime. The Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) has a special relationship with the military by sustaining the latter's Afghan and Kashmir policies. The MMA provides Islamabad an alibi to argue that it cannot moderate its policies in Kashmir to the degree that Washington desires'. See A. Mir, 'Deadly double game. The true face of Jehadis: inside Pakistan's network of terror', Asia Times, 26 August 2006, (http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/HH26Df01.html), accessed 16 August 2006
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One could argue that US donor aid has helped here; however, the vast majority of the funding is security assistance funding, with development assistance a mere 9% of the non-classified support that totalled $10 billion circa spring 2007. See C. Cohen and D. Chollet, 'When $10 billion is not enough: Rethinking U.S. strategy towards Pakistan', The Washington Quarterly, Spring 2007, pp 11-15.
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One could argue that US donor aid has helped here; however, the vast majority of the funding is security assistance funding, with development assistance a mere 9% of the non-classified support that totalled $10 billion circa spring 2007. See C. Cohen and D. Chollet, 'When $10 billion is not enough: Rethinking U.S. strategy towards Pakistan', The Washington Quarterly, Spring 2007, pp 11-15.
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to 2004-05) show only very small changes in real per capita expenditures of the rural poor or in the level of rural poverty
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The World Bank also suggests that 'longer-term trends (1998-99 to
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