Holding the world in balance: The connected histories of the Iberian overseas empires, 1500-1640

American Historical Review

Volumn 112, Issue 5, 2007, Pages 1359-1385

  Subrahmanyam, Sanjay ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 40949112312     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.112.5.1359     Document Type: Review

References (175)

1. Luis Adolfo Domínguez, La grandeza mexicana y Compendio apologético en alabanza de la poesía (Mexico City, 1990), 118,
2. as cited and discussed in Serge Gruzinski, "Passeurs y elites 'católicas' en las Cuatro Partes del Mundo: Los inicios ibéricos de la mundialización (1580-1640)," in Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy and Carmen Salazar-Soler, eds., Passeurs, mediadores culturales y agentes de la primera globalización en el mundo ibérico, siglos XVI-XIX (Lima, 2005), 25-27. The somewhat free translation is mine.
3. For a recent general consideration, see John Darwin, After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire (London, 2007),
4. as well as the succinct longue durée view in Anthony Pagden, Peoples and Empires: A Short History of European Migration, Exploration, and Conquest, from Greece to the Present (New York, 2001).
5. The classic work on the subject is Werner Goez, Translatio imperii: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Geschichtsdenkens und der politischen Theorien im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit (Tübingen, 1958).
6. For specific early modern case studies, see Gülru Necipoglu, "Süleyman the Magnificent and the Representation of Power in the Context of Ottoman-Hapsburg-Papal Rivalry," The Art Bulletin 71, no. 3 (1989): 401-427;
7. Michel Mazzaoui, ed., Safavid Iran and Her Neighbors (Salt Lake City, Utah, 2003).
8. The political events are surveyed in Ronald Cueto, "1580 and All That...: Philip II and the Politics of the Portuguese Succession," Portuguese Studies 8 (1992): 150-169.
9. See also the important consideration by Geoffrey Parker, "David or Goliath? Philip II and His World in the 1580s," in Richard L. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, eds., Spain, Europe and the Atlantic World: Essays in Honour of John H Elliott (Cambridge, 1995), 245-266. Philip II himself, however, was quite ambiguous about what was being proposed, suggesting at one point that "the entire Traffic of all that has been discovered, in the East as in the West, will be common to the two nations of Castile and Portugal"; he also considered moving the Casa de Contratación to Lisbon from Seville.
10. J. H. Elliott, "A Europe of Composite Monarchies," Past and Present 137 (1992): 48-71.
11. Also relevant is Elliott, "The Spanish Monarchy and the Kingdom of Portugal, 1580-1640," in Mark Green-grass, ed., Conquest and Coalescence: The Shaping of the State in Early Modern Europe (London, 1991). An intriguing comparison comes to us in the period after 1688, when William of the House of Orange came to rule England (initially with his wife Mary), thus creating the theoretical possibility of an Anglo-Dutch "composite monarchy" and concomitant empire until his death in 1702;
12. cf. Jonathan I. Israel, ed., The Anglo-Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and Its World Impact (Cambridge, 1991).
13. This is apparent in two classic works that appeared at much the same time, presenting parallel histories of the two empires: C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 (New York, 1969),
14. and J. H. Parry, The Spanish Seaborne Empire (New York, 1966), both published as part of the same series, "The History of Human Society," edited by J. H. Plumb.
15. For a highly reified view of the functioning of different European overseas empires, see also the much-cited work by Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492-1640 (Cambridge, 1995).
16. On Iberian missions overseas, see, for example, Pierre-Antoine Fabre and Bernard Vincent, eds., Missions religieuses modernes: "Notre lieu est le monde" (Rome, 2007),
17. and earlier Pascale Girard, Les religieux occidentaux en Chine à l'époque moderne: Essai d'analyse textuelle comparée (Lisbon, 2000).
18. On Iberian overseas banking systems and their connections, see James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Bankers at the Court of Spain, 1626-1650 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1983),
19. and Margarita Suárez, Desafíos transatlánticos: Mercaderes, banqueros y el estado en el Perú virreinal, 1600-1700 (Lima, 2001).
20. Felipe Fernández-Armesto, The Canary Islands after the Conquest: The Making of a Colonial Society in the Early Sixteenth Century (Oxford, 1982);
21. T. Bentley Duncan, Atlantic Islands: Madeira, the Azores, and the Cape Verdes in Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation (Chicago, 1972).
22. For a long history of the Portuguese presence at Elmina, see, for example, Joseph Bato'ora Ballong-Wen-Mewuda, São Jorge da Mina, 1482-1637: La vie d'un comptoir portugais en Afrique occidentale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1993);
23. and for a valuable accounting of the early Portuguese slave trade, see Ivana Elbl, "The Volume of the Early Atlantic Slave Trade, 1450-1521," Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (1997): 31-75.
24. Thus, the otherwise excellent work of Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Portugal no tempo dos Filipes: Política, cultura, representaç ões (1580-1668) (Lisbon, 2000), is quite typical in saying almost nothing about overseas questions.
25. See also Jean-Frédéric Schaub, Le Portugal au temps du Comte-Duc d'Olivares, 1621-1640: Le conflit de juridictions comme exercice de la politique (Madrid, 2001),
26. and Jean-Frédéric Schaub, Portugal na monarquia hispânica, 1580-1640 (Lisbon, 2001).
27. For a rare attempt by a Spanish historian to analyze these issues in an evenhanded manner, see Juan Gil, "Balance de la Unión Ibérica: Éxitos y Fracasos," in Maria da Graça M. Ventura, ed., A União ibérica e o mundo atlântico (Lisbon, 1997), 367-383.
28. On the other hand, the specter of primitive Portuguese nationalism still haunts the overall framing of (although not all the contributions in) Francisco Bethencourt and Diogo Ramada Curto, eds., Portuguese Oceanic Expansion, 1400-1800 (Cambridge, 2007).
29. A pioneering effort in relation to this question is Stuart B. Schwartz, "Luso-Spanish Relations in Hapsburg Brazil, 1580-1640," The Americas 25, no. 1 (1968): 33-48.
30. For another recent and important exercise by a non-Iberian historian, see Serge Gruzinski, Les quatre parties du monde: Histoire d'une mondialisation (Paris, 2004).
31. António Galvão, Tratado dos descobrimentos, ed. Visconde de Lagoa and Elaine Sanceau, 4th ed. (Oporto, 1987).
32. For an analysis, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "As quarto partes vistas das Molucas: Breve re-leitura de António Galvão," in Godoy and Salazar-Soler, Passeurs, mediadores culturales y agentes de la primera globalización, 713-730.
33. See Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, História do descobrimento e conquista da Índia pelos portugueses, ed. M. Lopes de Almeida, 2 vols. (Oporto, 1975); J
34. oão de Barros, Da Asia, Décadas I-IV (facs. ed., Lisbon, 1973);
35. Francisco López de Gomara, Historia general de las Indias, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1922);
36. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdês, Historia generaly natural de las Indias, ed. Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso, 5 vols. (Madrid, 1959).
37. For a preliminary discussion, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "On World Historians in the Sixteenth Century," Representations 91 (2005): 26-57.
38. Thus, in Cochin, Almeida is reported to have spoken at length with the envoy from Gujarat, an Andalusian Muslim called Sidi Ali, of the "good old days of the war of Granada"; see Jean Aubin, Le Latin et l'Astrolabe, III: Études inédites sur le règne de D. Manuel, 1495-1521 (Paris, 2006), 367.
39. The title of viceroy that Almeida assumed after arriving in Asia (his initial title was of capitão-mór) derived from the usage in Aragon. On Almeida and his career, see also the conventional account in Joaquim Candeias Silva, O fundador do "Estado Português da Índia" D. Francisco de Almeida, 1457 (?)-1510 (Lisbon, 1996).
40. For an overview of the early phase of the Portuguese case, see most recently Malyn Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400-1668 (London, 2005), 36-59.
41. Henry H. Keith, "New World Interlopers: The Portuguese in the Spanish West Indies, from the Discovery to 1640," The Americas 25, no. 4 (1969): 360-371.
42. Keith cites the earlier, classic essay by Lewis Hanke, "The Portuguese in Spanish America, with Special Reference to the Villa Imperial de Potosí," Revista de Historia de América 51 (1961): 1-48.
43. It should be noted, however, that in the early phase in the Caribbean, the Portuguese were almost certainly excluded from the encomiendas, and played a more commercial role; see Juan Pérez de Tudela, Las armadas de Indias y los orígenes de la política de colonización (1492-1505) (Madrid, 1956), 247-249.
44. Cristóbal Colón, Textos y documentos completos, ed. Consuelo Varela and Juan Gil (Madrid, 1992), 181.
45. For the standard accounts of his career, see Carla Rahn Phillips and William D. Phillips, The Worlds of Christopher Columbus (New York, 1992),
46. and Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Columbus (New York, 1991).
47. Carmen Bernand and Serge Gruzinski, Histoire du Nouveau Monde: De la découverte à la conquête (Paris, 1991), 281.
48. For the remarks by Cortés, see Hernán Cortés, Letters from Mexico, trans. and ed. Anthony Pagden, intro. by J. H. Elliott (New Haven, Conn., 1986);
49. see also the comments in Carmen Bernand and Serge Gruzinski, De l'idolâtrie: Une archéologie des sciences religieuses (Paris, 1988), 11-22.
50. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge, 1986), 119-145.
51. James Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society (Madison, Wis., 1968), 11.
52. Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz, "Portuguese Control over the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal: A Comparative Study," in Denys Lombard and Om Prakash, eds., Commerce and Culture in the Bay of Bengal, 1500-1800 (New Delhi, 1999), 115-162.
53. For the place of such institutions in southern Portugal, see, for example, Joaquim A. Romero Magalhães, Para o estudo do Algarve económico durante o século XVI (Lisbon, 1970).
54. On the demographic consequences of the conquest of the Americas, see the recent synthesis by Massimo Livi Bacci, Conquista: La distruzione degli indios americani (Bologna, 2005).
55. Michel Lesure, "Un document ottoman de 1525 sur l'Inde portugaise et les pays de la Mer Rouge," Mare Luso-Indicum 3 (1976): 137-160.
56. For the most recent reconsideration of the nature and extent of Ottoman ambitions, see Giancarlo Casale, "The Ottoman Administration of the Spice Trade in the Sixteenth-Century Red Sea and Persian Gulf," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 49, no. 2 (2006): 170-198.
57. On the Portuguese end, see "Lembramça d'algumas cousas que sam passadas em Malaqua, e assy nas outras partes da Imdea," in R. J. de Lima Felner, ed., Subsídios para a história da Índia Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1868).
58. This anonymous text should be read with others that are unpublished in the same volume of the Colecção de São Vicente (vol. 11), in the Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais, Torre do Tombo, Lisbon [henceforth IANTT], which provide a useful view of matters in the Estado da Índia in about 1525.
59. For the struggle of the 1520s, see Jorge Borges de Macedo, Um caso de luta pelo poder e a sua interpretação n' "Os Lusíadas" (Lisbon, 1976).
60. On Dom Jaime's remarks, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "Making India Gama: The Project of Dom Aires da Gama (1519) and Its Meaning," Mare Liberum 16 (1998): 33-55.
61. On the Venetians and their views, see "Relazione di Gasparo Contarini," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato, 1st ser., vol. 2 (Florence, 1840), 49.
62. C ontarini's diagnosis is far more surprising than that of his predecessor Vicenzo Quirini in 1506, since at that time the Portuguese Estado was indeed fragile; see "Relazione delle Indie Orientali di Vicenzo Quirini nel 1506," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, vol. 15 (Florence, 1863), 3-19.
63. For the circumstances of Quirini's report, see Aubin, Le Latin et l'Astrolabe, III, 451.
64. For North Africa, see Maria Leonor Garcia da Cruz, "As controvérsias no tempo de D. João III sobre a política portuguesa no Norte da África," 2 pts., Mare Liberum 13 (1997): 123-199 and 14 (1997): 117-198.
65. A discussion of the "pepper question" can be found in Luís Filipe F. R. Thomaz, A questão da pimenta em meados do século XVI (Lisbon, 1998).
66. On Basra, see Dejanirah Potache, "The Commercial Relations between Basrah and Goa in the Sixteenth Century," Studia 48 (1989): 145-162.
67. Bernand and Gruzinski, Histoire du Nouveau Monde, 353-362, 492-496, on the question of banderías.
68. For a recent reinterpretation of the Pizarros, see Rafael Varón Gabai, Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru, trans. Javier Flores Espinoza (Norman, Okla., 1997).
69. For an overview, see Jorge Couto, A construção do Brasil: Ameríndios, portugueses e africanos, do início do povoamento a finais de quinhentos (Lisbon, 1995), 209-235.
70. On rivalry with the French, see Michel Mollat du Jourdin and Jacques Habert, Giovanni et Girolamo Verrazano, navigateurs de François 1er: Dossiers de voyages (Paris, 1982);
71. see also Luís de Matos, Les Portugais en France au XVIe siècle: Etudes et documents (Coimbra, 1952).
72. For the relationship between the discovery of the silver at Potosí and Portuguese projects in Brazil, see Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Visão do paraíso: Os motivos edênicos no descobrimento e colonização do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1959).
73. Cf. O Estado da Índia e a Província do Norte, special issue, Mare Liberum 9 (1995).
74. Particularly valuable for evaluating the early importance of this acquisition is the "Tombo do Estado da Índia" of Simão Botelho (1554), reproduced in Felner, Subsídios para a história da Índia.
75. There is a rather confused discussion of this text in Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, Les finances de l'État portugais des Indes Orientales (1517-1635) (Paris, 1982), 50-69, owing to the author's unfortunate lack of familiarity with the history of Indo-Persian fiscal institutions.
76. Cf. "Brevíssima e summaria relação que fez da sua vida e obra o grande Martim Affonso de Sousa," in Luís de Albuquerque and Margarida Caeiro, eds., Martim Afonso de Sousa: Cartas (Lisbon, 1989).
77. On the Southeast Asian expedition of Jerónimo de Figueiredo, see IANTT, Gavetas, 8: 8-43, "Verdadeira enfformaçam das cousas da Índia," in António da Silva Rego, ed., Asgavetas da Torre do Tombo, vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1963), 218-234.
78. On Tirupati, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "An Eastern El-Dorado: The Tirumala-Tirupati Temple-Complex in Early European Views and Ambitions, 1540-1660," in David Shulman, ed., Syllables of Sky: Studies in South Indian Civilization in Honour of Velcheru Narayana Rao (Delhi, 1995), 338-390.
79. This is discussed at length in several valuable papers in Avelino Teixeira da Mota, ed., A viagem de Fernão de Magalhães e a questão das Molucas (Lisbon, 1975).
80. Letter from Cristóvão da Costa to Dom João III, November 12, 1544, in Luís de Albuquerque and José Pereira da Costa, "Cartas de 'Serviços' da Índia (1500-1550)," Mare Liberum 1 (1990): 349.
81. Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, "Exiles and Renegades in Early Sixteenth Century Portuguese Asia," Indian Economic and Social History Review 23, no. 3 (1986): 249-262.
82. On the case of Coutinho, see also Elaine Sanceau, ed., Colecção de São Lourenço, vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1983), 256-257, 399.
83. Jorge Manuel dos Santos Alves, Um porto entre dois impérios: Estudos sobre Macau e as relações luso-chinesas (Macau, 1999).
84. Here I return to a thesis that was first set out schematically by the Portuguese historian Luis Filipe Thomaz in a 1985 essay, reprinted as "A estrutura política e administrativa do Estado da Índia no século XVI," in Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor (Lisbon, 1994), 207-243.
85. For an earlier approach to this problem, see also Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History (London, 1993).
86. The letter appears in Luis de Albuquerque, ed., Cartas de D. João de Castro a D. João III (Lisbon, 1989), 12.
87. For a facsimile edition and translation of Conquista de las Indias de Persia e Arabia (Salamanca, 1512), see A Spaniard in the Portuguese Indies: The Narrative of Martín Fernández de Figueroa, ed. James B. McKenna (Cambridge, Mass., 1967);
88. Cristóvão da Costa, Tractado de las drogas, y medicinas de las Indias orientales con sus plantas debuxadas al bivo por Christoual Acosta; en el qual se verifica mucho de lo que escrivio el doctor Garcia de Orta (Burgos, 1578).
89. Aude Viaud, ed., Correspondance d'un ambassadeur Castillan au Portugal dans les années 1530: Lope Hurtado de Mendoza (Paris, 2001).
90. For Cortés's claims, see Hernán Cortés, Cartas y documentos, ed. M. Hernández Sánchez-Barba (Mexico, 1963), 320.
91. On the Casa da Índia, see Francisco Paulo Mendes da Luz, Regimento da Casa da Índia: Manuscrito do século XVII existente no Arquivo Geral de Simancas, 2nd ed. (Lisbon, 1992).
92. The contrast between the two trading systems forms the implicit background to the chapter titled "Da origem das viagens da Índia, e do modo per que correrom nos tempos passados, e correm no presente," fols. 76-82, in the anonymous text from about 1582, Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Ms. 3217, titled "Livro das Cidades, e Fortalezas, que a Coroa de Portugal tem nas partes da Índia, e das capitanias, e mais cargos que nellas há, e da importância delles," published in a facsimile edition by Francisco Paulo Mendes da Luz in Studia, no. 6 (1960).
93. The text is dedicated to Philip II and was intended to inform him about his new Asian possessions, and the trade networks there. It is in some ways comparable to, but in others distinct from, the slightly later text (dating to about 1607) of Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão, Livro em que se contém toda a fazenda e real patrimonio dos reinos de Portugal, Índia, e ilhas adjacentes e outras particularidades, ordenado por Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão, secretario de el-Rei Filippe II, copiado fielmente do manuscripto original e impresso por ordem do governo de Sua Magestade (Lisbon, 1859).
94. C. R. Boxer, From Lisbon to Goa, 1500-1750: Studies in Portuguese Maritime Enterprise (London, 1984);
95. Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial, 2nd ed., 4 vols. (Lisbon, 1982), 3: 43-79.
96. This is not to deny the involvement of Italian (and especially Florentine) merchants in the Cape Route from the very outset, for which see Marco Spallanzani, Mercanti Fiorentini nell'Asia portoghese (1500-1525) (Florence, 1997).
97. Niels Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century: The East India Companies and the Decline of the Caravan Trade (Chicago, 1974), 95-103.
98. Steensgaard's position was discussed in Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Luís Filipe Thomaz, "Evolution of Empire: The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean during the Sixteenth Century," in James D. Tracy, ed., The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350-1750 (New York, 1991), 298-331.
99. On Cron, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "An Augsburger in Ásia Portuguesa: Further Light on the Commercial World of Ferdinand Cron, 1587-1624," in R. Ptak and D. Rothermund, eds., Emporia, Commodities and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade, c. 1400-1750 (Stuttgart, 1991), 401-425;
100. Hermann Kellenbenz, "From Melchior Manlich to Ferdinand Cron: German Levantine and Oriental Trade Relations (Second Half of XVIth and Beginning of XVIIth C.)," Journal of European Economic History 19, no. 3 (1990): 611-622.
101. On Sassetti, see Filippo Sassetti, Lettere da vari paesi, 1570-1588, ed. Vanni Bramanti (Milan, 1970);
102. Jean Boutier, "Les habits de 'l'Indiático': Filippo Sassetti entre Cochin et Goa (1583-1588)," in Découvertes et explorateurs: Actes du colloque international, Bordeaux, 12-14 juin 1992 (Paris, 1994), 157-166.
103. On the Fuggers, see the classic work by Hermann Kellenbenz, Los Fugger en Espana y Portugal hasta 1560, trans. Manuel Prieto Vilas (Salamanca, 2000).
104. Unfortunately, the 1570s remain understudied as a period of transition. For the period when D. Sebastião was a minor, see the detailed but somewhat problematic study by Maria do Rosário de Sampaio Themudo Barata de Azevedo Cruz, As regências na menoridade de D. Sebastião: Elementos para uma história estrutural, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1992).
105. Also helpful to an extent is Luís Filipe Thomaz, "A crise de 1565-1575 na história do Estado da Índia," Mare Liberum 9 (1995): 481-520.
106. A significant document is the instructions given by D. Sebastião to the departing viceroy, Conde de Atouguia, October 1577, in IANTT, Colecção São Vicente, vol. 12, 9-11. For a valuable overview, see also Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, D. Sebastião (Lisbon, 2006).
107. See, for example, the long letter from the viceroy reproduced in António dos Santos Pereira, "A Índia a preto e branco: Uma carta oportuna, escrita em Cochim, por D. Constantino de Bragança, à Rainha Dona Catarina," Anais de História de Alêm-Mar 4 (2003): 449-484.
108. This important document can be fruitfully compared to the slightly later letters in José Wicki, "Duas cartas oficiais de Vice-reis da Índia, escritas em 1561 e 1564," Studia 3 (1959): 36-89.
109. For a discussion of the changing context, see the discussion in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Improvising Empire: Portuguese Trade and Settlement in the Bay of Bengal, 1500-1700 (Delhi, 1990), 180-182.
110. Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, "A viagem de Gonçalo Pereira Marramaque do Minho às Molucas-ou os itinerários da fidalguia portuguesa no Oriente," Studia 49 (1989): 315-340.
111. Urdaneta is cited in Thomaz, A questão da pimenta, 2.
112. For the Philippines, the classic work remains John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700 (Madison, Wis., 1959);
113. a more recent work focusing on encomiendas is Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, Encomienda, tributo y trabajo en Filipinas, 1570-1608 (Madrid, 1995).
114. See also John Villiers, "Portuguese Malacca and Spanish Manila: Two Concepts of Empire," in Roderich Ptak, ed., Portuguese Asia: Aspects in History and Economic History (Wiesbaden, 1987), 37-57.
115. These themes were dealt with earlier in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "The Tail Wags the Dog; or, Some Aspects of the External Relations of the Estado da Índia, 1570-1600," Moyen Orient et Océan Indien 5 (1988): 31-60.
116. See also Antoine Cabaton, "Le mémorial de Pedro Sevil à Philippe III sur la conquête de l'Indochine (1603)," Bulletin de la Commission archéologique de l'Indochine, 1914-1916, 1-102 (quotation from 17-18);
117. and Bernard Philippe Groslier and C. R. Boxer, Angkor et le Cambodge au XVIe siècle d'après les sources portugaises et espagnoles (Paris, 1958).
118. IANTT, Documentos Remetidos da Índia, Livro 3, fol. 49, Philip III to Rui Lourenço, February 21, 1610, in Raymundo António de Bulhão Pato, ed., Documentos remettidos da Índia, ou Livros das monções, vol. 1 (Lisbon, 1880), 359. The letter bears a mark at its end of "O Conde Almirante," suggesting that it was drafted in part by the former viceroy Dom Francisco da Gama, son-in-law of Rui Lourenço de Távora.
119. See the ambassador's embittered comments in Don García de Silva y Figueroa, Comentarios de la embajada que de parte del rey de España Don Felipe III hizo al rey Xa Abas de Persia, ed. Manuel Serrano y Sanz, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1904-1905).
120. For an account of the larger context of his embassy, see Luis Gil, "La Unión Ibérica y Persia: Contactos diplomáticos y choque de intereses," in Ventura,A União ibérica e o mundo atlântico, 309-340.
121. As cited in John Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs, vol. 2: Spain and America, 1598-1700 (Oxford, 1981), 65.
122. On the case of Burma, see Maria Ana Marques Guedes, Interferê ncia e integração dos Portugueses na Birmânia, c. 1580-1630 (Lisbon, 1994);
123. on East Africa, see Newitt, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 152-154.
124. See Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700;
125. Charles R. Boxer, Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia, 1500-1750 (London, 1985).
126. The disappointingly slight, and rather polemical, work by Rafael Valladares, Castilla y Portugal en Asia (1580-1680): Declive imperial y adaptación (Leuven, 2001),
127. does not live up to its title; see the penetrating review essay of this work by Manuel Lobato in the Bulletin of Portuguese Japanese Studies 4 (2002): 143-153.
128. Among significant recent works that should be cited are Jorge M. dos Santos Alves and Pierre-Yves Manguin, O 'Roteiro das cousas do Achém' de D. João Ribeiro Gaio: Um olhar português sobre o norte de Samatra em finais do século XVI (Lisbon, 1997);
129. Paulo Jorge de Sousa Pinto, Portugueses e malaios: Malaca e os Sultanatos de Johor e Achem, 1575-1619 (Lisbon, 1997);
130. and Manuel Lobato, Política e comércio dos portugueses na insulíndia: Malaca e as Molucas de 1575 a 1605 (Macau, 1999).
131. For Coutre's account, see Jacques de Coutre, Andanzas asiáticas, ed. Eddy Stols, B. Teensma, and J. Verberckmoes (Madrid, 1991);
132. the letters of Dom Luís da Gama can be found in IANTT, Convento da Graça, Tomo II-E [Caixa 6], 161-173;
133. Convento da Graça, Tomo III [Caixa 2], 475-478.
134. On Cron, see Charles R. Boxer, "Uma raridade bibliográfica sobre Fernão Cron," Boletim Internacional de Bibliografia LusoBrasileira 12, no. 2 (1971): 323-364.
135. See the recent work by Zoltán Biedermann, "A aprendizagem de Ceilão: A presença portuguesa no Sri Lanka entre talassocracia e planos de conquista territorial, 1506-1598" (Ph.D. thesis, Universidade Nova de Lisboa/École Pratique des Hautes Études, 2006).
136. For the first half of the sixteenth century, see Jorge Manuel Flores, Os portugueses e o Mar de Ceilão, 1498-1543: Trato, Diplomacia e Guerra (Lisbon, 1998).
137. For a recent collection of essays that reconsiders the question, see also Jorge Flores, ed., Re-exploring the Links: History and Constructed Histories between Portugal and Sri Lanka (Wiesbaden, 2007).
138. On this transition, see Chandra R. De Silva, The Portuguese in Ceylon, 1617-1638 (Colombo, 1972);
139. George D. Winius, The Fatal History of Portuguese Ceylon: Transition to Dutch Rule (Cambridge, Mass., 1971);
140. and K. W. Goonewardena, The Foundation of Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1638-1658 (Amsterdam, 1958).
141. Mathilde Auguste Hedwig Fitzler, Os tombos de Ceilão da Secção ultramarina da Biblioteca nacional (Lisbon, 1927);
142. Tikiri Abeyasinghe, Portuguese Rule in Ceylon, 1594-1612 (Colombo, 1966);
143. see also, most recently, Jorge Manuel Flores, Os olhos do Rei: Desenhos e descrições portuguesas da Ilha de Ceilão (1624, 1638) (Lisbon, 2001).
144. For an overview, see Artur Teodoro de Matos, O Estado da Índia nos anos de 1581-1588, estrutura administrativa e económica: Alguns elementos para o seu estudo (Ponta Delgada, 1983).
145. For specific texts, see Artur Teodoro de Matos, ed., O Tombo de Diu, 1592 (Lisbon, 1999)
146. and O Tombo de Chaul, 1591-1592 (Lisbon, 2000);
147. also Lívia Baptista de Souza Ferrão, "Tenants, Rents and Revenues from Daman in the Late 16th Century," Mare Liberum 9 (1995): 139-148,
148. and Panduronga S. S. Pissurlencar, ed., Tombo da ilha de Goa e das terras de Salcête e Bardês (Bastorá, 1952).
149. This is not to suggest that the donatary captaincy did not have some institutional roots in Portugal itself; on this question, see Harold B. Johnson, "The Donatary Captaincy in Perspective: Portuguese Backgrounds to the Settlement of Brazil," Hispanic American Historical Review 52, no. 2 (1972): 203-214.
150. On the Portuguese penetration of Angola, see Ilídio do Amaral, O consulado de Paulo Dias de Novais: Angola no ultimo quartel do século XVI e primeiro do século XVII (Lisbon, 2000). Paulo Dias received his donatary grant from Dom Sebastião in September 1571.
151. Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Fundo Geral, Codex 1540, 89r-91v, "Relação dos cargos do Estado da Índia que estão vendidos por ordem de Sua Magestade para as despesas do Estado"; António Bocarro, Década 13 da história da Índia, ed. Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1876), 1:362-366.
152. See James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640 (Baltimore, Md., 1993);
153. Nathan Wachtel, La foi du souvenir: Labyrinthes marranes (Paris, 2001);
154. Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert, A Nation upon the Ocean Sea: Portugal's Atlantic Diaspora and the Crisis of the Spanish Empire, 1492-1640 (New York, 2007).
155. Duarte Gomes Solis, Alegación en favor de la Compañía de la India Oriental, ed. Moses B. Amzalak (Lisbon, 1955);
156. also Solís, Discursos sobre los comercios de las dos Indias, donde se tratan materias importantes de estado y guerra (Madrid, 1622).
157. The matter is summed up magisterially in John H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline (London, 1986), esp. 143-146.
158. Studnicki-Gizbert,A Nation upon the Ocean Sea, 44. The quotation from Villela below comes from the same work, although I have corrected it slightly.
159. Schwartz, "Luso-Spanish Relations in Hapsburg Brazil," 43. For a summary of much available information on contraband and related questions, see Alice P. Canabrava, O comércio português no Rio da Prata (1580-1640) (Belo Horizonte, 1984),
160. and Gonçalo de Reparaz, Os Portugueses no vice-reinado do Peru (séculos XVI e XVII) (Lisbon, 1976).
161. Walter Rodney, "Portuguese Attempts at Monopoly on the Upper Guinea Coast, 1580-1650," Journal of African History 6, no. 3 (1965): 307-322.
162. For a general account, see Henk den Heijer, De geschiedenis van de WIC (Zutphen, 1994);
163. also the detailed monograph focused on slave trading by both the WIC and other Dutch actors by Johannes M. Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1815 (Cambridge, 1990).
164. Cited in Schwartz, "Luso-Spanish Relations in Hapsburg Brazil," 48.
165. Stuart B. Schwartz, "Panic in the Indies: The Portuguese Threat to the Spanish Empire," Colonial Latin American Review 2, nos. 1-2 (1993): 165-187.
166. See Megan Vaughan, Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius (Durham, N.C., 2005).
167. Slavery did, of course, exist in other contexts in the Indian Ocean world of the period; cf. Anthony Reid and Jennifer Brewster, eds., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence in Southeast Asia (St. Lucia, 1983);
168. Indrani Chatterjee and Richard M. Eaton, eds., Slavery and South Asian History (Bloomington, Ind., 2006).
169. The work of Allen F. Isaacman, Mozambique: The Africanization of a European Institution-The Zambesi Prazos, 1750-1902 (Madison, Wis., 1972), is unfortunately rather sketchy for the period, and also unconvincing in its use of Portuguese sources.
170. More helpful is Eugénia Rodrigues, "Mercadores, conquistadores e foreiros: A construção dos prazos dos Rios de Cuama na primeira metade do século XVII," in Jorge Flores and Joaquim Romero Magalhães, eds., Vasco da Gama: Homens, Viagens e Culturas, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 2001), 1: 443-480.
171. As Elliott writes, "the Count-Duke [of Olivares] was probably the first ruler of the Spanish Monarchy to think in genuinely global terms, and it is no accident that he should have felt at home with that bold adventurer Anthony Sherley, who would spin the globe with confidence and offer to reveal the secret strengths and weaknesses of every kingdom and sultanate between the Danish Sound and the coast of Malabar"; The Count-Duke of Olivares, 681. I hope to deal with the fascinating and illuminating career of Sherley elsewhere;
172. see Xavier-A. Flores, Le "Peso politico de todo el mundo" d'Anthony Sherley, ou un aventurier anglais au service de l'Espagne (Paris, 1963).
173. For a valuable account of the functioning of a major Portuguese administrative institution under the Habsburgs, see Francisco Paulo Mendes da Luz, O Conselho da Índia: Contributo ao estudo da história da administração e do comércio do ultramar português nos princípios do século XVII (Lisbon, 1952).
174. Rafael Valladares, La rebelión de Portugal: Guerra, conflicto y poderes en la monarquía hispánica, 1640-1680 (Valladolid, 1998).
175. More specifically on Asia, see Glenn J. Ames, Renascent Empire? The House of Braganza and the Quest for Stability in Portuguese Monsoon Asia, c.1640-1683 (Amsterdam, 2000).