Truth for its own sake: Academic culture and technology transfer at Johns Hopkins University

Minerva

Volumn 42, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 105-126

  Feldman, Maryann P ^c   Desrochers, Pierre ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTRÉAL   (Canada)

^b UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

^c UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 4043169075     PISSN: 00264695     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/B:MINE.0000030019.99709.a0     Document Type: Review

References (106)

1. David Mowery, Richard Nelson, Bahven Sampat, and Arvid Ziedonis, 'The Effects of the Bayh-Dole Act on US University Research and Technology Transfer', in L. Branscomb, F. Kodama, and R. Florida (eds.), Industrializing Knowledge (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999), 269-306.
2. Henry Etzkowitz, 'Entrepreneurial Scientists and Entrepreneurial Universities in American Academic Science', Minerva, 21 (2-3), (1983), 198-233.
3. See also B. Clark, Creating Entrepreneurial Universities (New York: International Association of Universities and Pergamon Press, 1998).
4. Sheila Slaughter and Larry L. Leslie, Academic Capitalism: Politics, Policies and the Entrepreneurial University (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997).
5. Richard Nelson, 'Observations on the Post-Bayh-Dole Rise in Patenting at American Universities', Journal of Technology Transfer, 16 (1), (2001), 13-19.
6. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
7. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
8. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
9. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
10. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
11. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
12. See, for example, Harvey Brooks and Lucien Randazzese, 'University-Industry Relations: The New Four Years and Beyond', in Lewis Branscomb and James Keller (eds.), Investing in Innovation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998), 361-399; Henry Etzkowitz and Lois Peters, 'Profiting from Knowledge: Organisational Innovations and Normative Change in American Universities', Minerva, 29 (2), (1991), 133-166; Henry Etzkowitz and Loet Leydesdorff (eds.), Universities and the Global Knowledge Economy (London: Pinter, 1997); Irwin Feller, 'Universities as Engines of R&D-based Economic Growth: They Think They Can', Research Policy, 19 (4), (1990), 335-348; Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Young S. Lee, 'University-industry collaboration on Technology Transfer', Research Policy, 26 (1), (1998), 69-84; and Dianne Rahm, 'Academic Perceptions of University-Firm Technology Transfer', Policy Studies Journal, 22 (2), (1994), 267-278.
13. See, for example, Susan Rosegrant and David R. Lampe, Route 128: Lessons from Boston's High-Tech Community (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Everett B. Roberts, Entrepreneurs in High Technology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); and Stuart Leslie and Robert Kargon, 'Selling Silicon Valley: Frederick Terman's Model for Regional Advantage', Business History Review, 70 (4), (1986), 435-472.
14. See, for example, Susan Rosegrant and David R. Lampe, Route 128: Lessons from Boston's High-Tech Community (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Everett B. Roberts, Entrepreneurs in High Technology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); and Stuart Leslie and Robert Kargon, 'Selling Silicon Valley: Frederick Terman's Model for Regional Advantage', Business History Review, 70 (4), (1986), 435-472.
15. See, for example, Susan Rosegrant and David R. Lampe, Route 128: Lessons from Boston's High-Tech Community (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Everett B. Roberts, Entrepreneurs in High Technology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); and Stuart Leslie and Robert Kargon, 'Selling Silicon Valley: Frederick Terman's Model for Regional Advantage', Business History Review, 70 (4), (1986), 435-472.
16. Robert K. Merton, The Sociology of Science: An Episodic Memoir (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979).
17. For example, heparin, a drug used to prevent blood coagulation, which is now widely used in the treatment of thrombosis and in cardiac surgery, was discovered in a series of experiments between 1916 and 1918. Merbromin, discovered in 1919 at the School of Medicine was developed and marketed as Mercurochrome by the Baltimore firm of Hynson, Westcott & Dunning. Similarly, research at the School of Hygiene and Public Health led to the discovery of vitamin D in 1922 and set the stage for an effective polio vaccine in the 1930s and 1940s. A list of Hopkins research breakthroughs may be found at www.jhu.edu/news/news_info/research.html; and, hopkins.med.jhu.edu/BasicFacts/ discovery.html.
18. See National Science Board, Science and Engineering Indicators (Washington, DC: National Science Foundation, 2001), Table 6-4. The University includes research expenditures at the Applied Physics Lab when calculating total R&D expenditures.
19. Maryann P. Feldman, 'Post Bayh-Dole University-Industry Relationships', in Charles Wessner (ed.), Government - Industry Partnerships in Biotechnology and Information Technologies: New Needs and New Opportunities (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, forthcoming).
20. Joe Levine, 'Technology Tales', Johns Hopkins Magazine, 42 (4), (1990), 26.
21. Joanne Cavanaugh Simpson, 'Golden Opportunity - or Overwhelming Obstacle?' Johns Hopkins Magazine, 53 (1), (2001), 16.
22. William Brody, 'From Minds to Minefields: Negotiating the Demilitarised Zone Between Industry and Academia', Remarks to the Biomedical Engineering Lectures Series, Johns Hopkins University, 6 April 1999.
23. Lawrence J. Smircich, 'Concepts of Culture and Organisational Analysis', Administrative Science Quarterly, 28 (3), (1983), 339-358.
24. Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 121.
25. The endowment would be worth more than $130 billion in 2003 dollars. The amount was divided equally between the University and the medical school. This paper focuses on the University, but the history of the medical school is equally rich.
26. 'Death of Johns Hopkins', Baltimore Sun, 25 December 1873. However, the Hopkins endowment was not as significant as might have been first thought, because the University's annual revenues and property holdings were not comparable to those of older colleges. For example, the property of Harvard was at the time worth more than $5 million, while that of Yale was thought to equal the University's endowment. Furthermore, the income-yielding funds of Harvard in 1875 amounted to more than $3 million, while Yale had $1.5 million. The JHU funds yielded revenue of slightly less than $200,000. By comparison, Harvard received in 1874-1875, $168,541.72 in tuition and $218,715.30 from property, the total of which was about twice the income of Hopkins, as reported by Daniel Coit Gilman, The Launching of a University (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1906), 4-5.
27. 'Death of Johns Hopkins', Baltimore Sun, 25 December 1873. However, the Hopkins endowment was not as significant as might have been first thought, because the University's annual revenues and property holdings were not comparable to those of older colleges. For example, the property of Harvard was at the time worth more than $5 million, while that of Yale was thought to equal the University's endowment. Furthermore, the income-yielding funds of Harvard in 1875 amounted to more than $3 million, while Yale had $1.5 million. The JHU funds yielded revenue of slightly less than $200,000. By comparison, Harvard received in 1874-1875, $168,541.72 in tuition and $218,715.30 from property, the total of which was about twice the income of Hopkins, as reported by Daniel Coit Gilman, The Launching of a University (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1906), 4-5.
28. Seven of the twelve trustees were Baltimore businessmen. Four were lawyers (two, members of the city's high court), and the twelfth was Hopkins' personal physician. At least 10 trustees had some college or university training and one had studied abroad. Four were already on the Board of Trustees of another educational institution in Baltimore, the Peabody Institute (a music conservatory), which became part of Johns Hopkins University in 1976.
29. Daniel Coit Gilman, University Problems in the United States (New York: Century, 1898), 7.
30. Ibid., 7-8.
31. J. Vernon Jensen, 'Thomas Henry Huxley's Address at the Opening of the Johns Hopkins University in September 1876', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 47 (2), (1993), 257-269.
32. Abraham J. Flexner, Daniel Coit Gilman: Creator of the American Type of University (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1946), 38-52.
33. Ibid., 42.
34. Ibid., 45.
35. Ibid., 46.
36. Ibid., 16-27; John Calvin French, A History of the University Founded by Johns Hopkins (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1946), 30-33.
37. Ibid., 16-27; John Calvin French, A History of the University Founded by Johns Hopkins (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1946), 30-33.
38. As recounted in Flexner, op. cit. note 22, 50-51.
39. Adequate salaries were an important consideration. As Gilman observed, 'we could at this moment name twenty men, employed at small salaries in existing colleges, whose work in certain fields of research would be of inestimable value to science and literature of the world, but who are compelled, in order to earn their livelihood, to pass most of their time teaching the rudiments to boys or preparing schoolbooks ... [moreover], American graduates are compelled every year either to go abroad or content themselves with the necessarily imperfect aid which they can get in the post-graduate courses from overworked and half-paid professors'. Ibid., 50-51.
40. Ibid., 50.
41. Louis Menand, The Metaphysical Club (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 256.
42. For the later adoption and diffusion of the 'Hopkins model' and its effect on the future of American research universities, see Geiger, op. cit. note 5, 7-9.
43. Gilman, op. cit. note 17, 35.
44. Ibid., 18.
45. A large proportion of the University's initial endowment was invested in the B&O Railroad. To this day, the president and chairman of the finance committee of the B&O hold seats on the Board of Trustees.
46. 'Address of John W. Garrett, delivered on 30 of January 1883, before the Young Men's Christian Association of Baltimore, on the Occasion of their Thirtieth Anniversary', as noted in Hugh Hawkins, Pioneer: A History of the Johns Hopkins University, 1874-1889 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1960), 5.
47. Ibid., 305.
48. Ibid., 318.
49. W.T. Barnard, Technical Education in Industrial Pursuits with Special Reference to Railroad Service (Baltimore: Isaac Friedenwald, 1887), as quoted in Robert A. Rosenberg, 'Academic Physics and the Origins of Electrical Engineering in America' (Unpublished PhD dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1990), 209-210.
50. W.T. Barnard, Technical Education in Industrial Pursuits with Special Reference to Railroad Service (Baltimore: Isaac Friedenwald, 1887), as quoted in Robert A. Rosenberg, 'Academic Physics and the Origins of Electrical Engineering in America' (Unpublished PhD dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1990), 209-210.
51. Hawkins, op. cit. note 35, 318-319 as quoted in ibid., 210.
52. French, op. cit. note 26.
53. Hawkins, op. cit. note 35, 318.
54. Gilman, op. cit. note 17, 94. In the preface to a new edition of his address, Gilman recalled: 'When the following address was delivered, the comments which had been made upon the work of the University seemed to call for a new exposition of its principles and aims'.
55. Gilman, op. cit. note 17, 117.
56. Christopher Lucas, American Higher Education: A History (New York: St. Martin's Griffin, 1994), 173.
57. Menand, op. cit. note 30, 257.
58. Hawkins, op. cit. note 35, 293-295.
59. Rosenberg, op. cit. note 38, 185-195.
60. Hawkins, op. cit. note 35, 304.
61. Ibid., 140.
62. Hawkins, op. cit. note 35, 140, citing a letter from Judge Morris A. Soper, 13 March 1953. The student was Alfred R.L. Dohme, later President of Sharpe and Dohme, a prominent Baltimore pharmaceutical company that subsequently merged with Merck.
63. Hugh Miller Spencer, The Life of John William Mallet, BA, PhD, LLD, Hon MD FRS; and the Four Distinguished Sons of Patrick Kerr (1776-1828) and Hannah Blythe Rogers (ca. 1775-1820) (Charlottesville: Alumni Association of the University of Virginia, 1985). Mallet surveyed the 'Most Important Changes in the Industrial Applications of Chemistry within the Last Few Years' in the first three issues of the American Chemical Journal.
64. Hugh Miller Spencer, The Life of John William Mallet, BA, PhD, LLD, Hon MD FRS; and the Four Distinguished Sons of Patrick Kerr (1776-1828) and Hannah Blythe Rogers (ca. 1775-1820) (Charlottesville: Alumni Association of the University of Virginia, 1985). Mallet surveyed the 'Most Important Changes in the Industrial Applications of Chemistry within the Last Few Years' in the first three issues of the American Chemical Journal.
65. Various, and sometimes conflicting, accounts of this episode are given in Mike Field, 'Technology Transfer's Bittersweet Beginnings', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 17 May 1993, 1 and 5; Christine A. Rowett, 'Smithsonian Revisits Remsen, Fahlberg Debate', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 22 August 1994 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html), James Stimpert, 'Ira Remsen: The Chemistry was Just Right', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette Online', 11 September 2000 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/ ~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html); and Douglas Birch and Gary Cohn, 'The Changing Creed of Hopkins Science', The Baltimore Sun, 25 June 2001, 1.
66. Various, and sometimes conflicting, accounts of this episode are given in Mike Field, 'Technology Transfer's Bittersweet Beginnings', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 17 May 1993, 1 and 5; Christine A. Rowett, 'Smithsonian Revisits Remsen, Fahlberg Debate', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 22 August 1994 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html), James Stimpert, 'Ira Remsen: The Chemistry was Just Right', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette Online', 11 September 2000 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/ ~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html); and Douglas Birch and Gary Cohn, 'The Changing Creed of Hopkins Science', The Baltimore Sun, 25 June 2001, 1.
67. Various, and sometimes conflicting, accounts of this episode are given in Mike Field, 'Technology Transfer's Bittersweet Beginnings', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 17 May 1993, 1 and 5; Christine A. Rowett, 'Smithsonian Revisits Remsen, Fahlberg Debate', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 22 August 1994 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html), James Stimpert, 'Ira Remsen: The Chemistry was Just Right', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette Online', 11 September 2000 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/ ~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html); and Douglas Birch and Gary Cohn, 'The Changing Creed of Hopkins Science', The Baltimore Sun, 25 June 2001, 1.
68. Various, and sometimes conflicting, accounts of this episode are given in Mike Field, 'Technology Transfer's Bittersweet Beginnings', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 17 May 1993, 1 and 5; Christine A. Rowett, 'Smithsonian Revisits Remsen, Fahlberg Debate', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette, 22 August 1994 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html), James Stimpert, 'Ira Remsen: The Chemistry was Just Right', The Johns Hopkins University Gazette Online', 11 September 2000 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/ ~gazette/1994/aug2294/remsen.html); and Douglas Birch and Gary Cohn, 'The Changing Creed of Hopkins Science', The Baltimore Sun, 25 June 2001, 1.
69. Fahlberg's earlier American patents were for an 'Improvement in processes for utilising zinc sulphate' (1878), for a 'Method of removing iron from ferroginous saline solutions' (1882), and for the 'Recovery of plumbic dioxide from ferroginous solutions' (1882). Fahlberg obtained his first German patent in 1886. See Tomas Szmercsanyi, 'Review of Christopher Maria Merki, Zucker gegen Saccharine: zur Geschichte der Kuslichen Sussstoffe, in World Sugar History Newsletter, 24 June 1997 (http:www.chass.utoronto.ca/epc/wshn/number24.html).
70. Johns Hopkins University, Ferdinand Hamburg Archives, Records of the Office of the President, 02.001 Box 116 #274, Ira Remsen to Dr Goodnow, 26 February 1918.
71. Field, op. cit. note 52, 1, notes: 'This has often been attributed to the fact that Fahlberg eventually claimed that the discovery was his alone, leading to Remsen's comment in a letter to English chemist William Ramsey: "Fahlberg is a scoundrel. It nauseates me to hear my name mentioned in the same breath with him"'.
72. David Hounshell, 'The Evolution of Industrial Research in the US', in Richard S. Rosenbloom and William J. Spencer (eds.), Engines of Innovation: US Industrial Research at the End of an Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School, 1996), 13-86.
73. Rosenberg, op. cit. note 38, 186-187.
74. Quoted by Levine, op. cit. note 11, 26.
75. E.T. Allen, 'Reflections on Ira Remsen', Johns Hopkins Alumni Magazine, XVI, (1927), 222-223.
76. Claude Barfield, Science for the Twenty-First Century: The Bush Report Revisited (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute Press, 1997), gives a retrospective examination.
77. Stephen J. Kline and Nathan Rosenberg, 'An Overview of Innovation', in Richard Landau and Nathan Rosenberg (eds.), The Positive Sum Society (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1987), 275-306. A more fashionable alternative is the 'chain-link' model, which incorporates university-industry collaboration in problem definition and development activities.
78. Gilman, op. cit. note 17, 14-15.
79. Rosenberg, op. cit. note 38, 195-211.
80. Henry Augustus Rowland, The Physical Papers of Henry Augustus Rowland, Johns Hopkins University, 1876-1901 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1902).
81. Rosenberg, op. cit. note 38, 202.
82. Stephen May, 'One Summer in Seal Harbor', Johns Hopkins Magazine, June 1995 (available at http://www.jhu.edu/~news_info/jhmag/695web/eakins.html).
83. Anonymous, 'The Rowland Multiplex Printing Telegraph System', The Electrical Age, 29 (9), (1902), 540-557.
84. Rowland Telegraphic Company, The Rowland Telegraphic Company. Report of the President (Baltimore: Rowland Telegraphic Company, 1907).
85. Mary Ruth Yoe, Hopkins: Engineering at the University (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 5.
86. Ibid., 39.
87. Daniel Coit Gilman, 'Inaugural Address', 22 February 1876, http://milton-real.mse.jhu.edu/text.html.
88. French, op. cit. note 26, 166.
89. Ibid., 168.
90. Ibid., 169.
91. Johns Hopkins University, Milton S. Eisenhower Library, Special Collections, MS 114. J. Trueman Thompson Papers, 'Homewood, 1913-1963: An Autobiographical Sketch'. Mimeograph.
92. John Boswell Whitehead, later first Dean of the School of Engineering, is recalled to have said, 'They thought I meant plumbers', when explaining why some Hopkins' faculty opposed the introduction of engineering. See Yoe, op. cit. note 69, 19.
93. J. Trueman Thompson, 'An Experiment from the Beginning', Johns Hopkins Magazine, XIV (6), (1962), 6-9.
94. Yoe, op. cit. note 69, 33-37.
95. Ibid., 26.
96. Details of the Engineering School's interactions with industry are found in the list of 'professional services', in each Annual Report of the President of the Johns Hopkins University. Following the First World War, foundations and associations interested in the applications of scientific discoveries in electricity gave Hopkins $120,000 for research in Electrical Engineering. In 1924, the member companies of the Southern Gas Association offered $8,000 a year for five years for graduate and undergraduate work. The work was so successful that additional grants came from the gas companies of four large cities and from the American Gas Association. In later years, this work was merged with chemistry to create a Department of Gas and Chemical Engineering. See French, op. cit. note 26, 175.
97. Ibid., 24.
98. Yoe, op. cit. note 69, 41.
99. Quoted in ibid., 39.
100. See Eugene S. Ferguson, Engineering and the Mind's Eye (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992). Ferguson summarizes these developments in the following terms: 'The final report [of the Committee of the American Society for Engineering Education [published in the early 1950s] contained two significant recommendations that were promptly followed by those schools that had received or hoped to receive large research grants. First, "those courses having a high vocational and skill content" should be eliminated, as should "those primarily attempting to convey engineering art and practice". Thus, shop courses - intended to give students a visual and tactile appreciation of materials and basic processes, such as the welding, casting, and machining of metals - were rapidly dispensed with. Engineering drawing lingered a bit, primarily because many drawing instructors held academic rank and were difficult to fire, but the diminished status of courses in drawing and descriptive geometry was clear to all concerned. The "art and practice" courses - which described the individual components of engineering systems such as steam power plants, electrical networks, and chemical process plants and explained how the components were co-ordinated in practice, thus providing training in the way engineering had been and was being done - survived only until the committee's second recommendation could be put in place. That second recommendation called for courses in "six engineering sciences - mechanics of solids, fluid mechanics, thermodynamics, transfer and rate mechanisms (heat, mass, momentum), electrical theory, and nature and properties of materials". By no means were all engineering curricula changed immediately, but the gospel of change was unambiguous for the research-oriented engineering schools and for the schools that aspired to join the prosperous group' [160-161].
101. Yoe, op. cit. note 69, 52.
102. As reported in John C. Schmidt, Johns Hopkins: Portrait of a University (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 132.
103. Levine, op. cit. note 11, 26.
104. In the fiscal year 1994-1995, the percentage of industry-sponsored research, as a proportion of total research funds, was, at MIT, 15.25%; at Penn State, 14.99%; and at the University of Washington, 9.65%. By contrast, at Hopkins, industry provided only 1.33% of the University's research funding. See H. Norman Abramson, José Encarnaçao, Proctor ' P. Reid, and Ulrich Schmoch (eds.), Technology Transfer Systems in the United States and Germany: Lessons and Perspectives (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1997).
105. Hopkins did not have a dedicated technology transfer office until 1986, making it a late entrant into this activity. See David Mowery and Arvid Ziedonis, 'The Effects of the Bayh-Dole Act on US University Research and Technology Transfer: Analyzing Data from Entrants and Incumbents', Science and Technology Group, NBER Summer Institute (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1999). The Association of University Technology Managers (AUTM) reports that Hopkins created an Office of Technology Transfer in 1973. We prefer 1986 as a more realistic date, owing to policy changes that gave incentives for faculty to disclose inventions.
106. As quoted by Heather Lynch, 'The Age of Invention: Hopkins Cranks up Wheel of Free Enterprise', The Daily Record, 12 December 1998, 1a and 10a.