"Vagrancy" as an adaptive strategy: The Duchy of Brabant, 1767-1776

International Review of Social History

Volumn 49, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 249-278+364+366+368+369

  Winter, Anne ^a  

^a VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT BRUSSEL   (Belgium)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 4043149307     PISSN: 00208590     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020859004001518     Document Type: Review

References (132)

1. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
2. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
3. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
4. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
5. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
6. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
7. For an analysis of the conspicuous and wide-ranging semantic history of the term "vagrancy" in legislation and discourse from the late Middle Ages onwards, see Leo Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration, and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 225-252; and also Bronislaw Geremek, "Criminalité, vagabondage, pauperisme: La marginalite a l'aube des temps modernes", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 337-375. The versatility of the concept in relation to changing preoccupations in the domain of social policy also appears from Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Policing the Early Modern Proletariat, 1450-1850", in David Levine (ed.), Proletarianization and Family History (Orlando, FL, 1984), pp. 163-228; A.L. Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560-1640 (London, 1985), pp. 8-13, 171-173; Paul Slack, The English Poor Law, 1531-1782 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 29-34, 38-39; Robert Humphreys, No Fixed Abode: A History of Responses to the Roofless and the Rootless in Britain (Basingstoke [etc.], 1999). A fine example of semantic confusion is Jacques Depauw, "Pauvres, pauvres mendiants, mendiants valides ou vagabonds? Les hésitations de la législation royale", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 21 (1974), pp. 401-418.
8. See, among others, Christian Paultre, De la répression de la mendicité et du vagabondage en France sous l'ancien régime (Paris, 1906); Frank Aydelotte, Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds (Oxford, 1913), and overtly racist: Robert Ritter, Ein Menschenschlag. Erbärztliche und erbgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über die - durch 10 Geschlechterfolgen erforschten - Nachkommen von "Vagabunden, Jaunem und Räubern" (Leipzig, 1937).
9. See, among others, Christian Paultre, De la répression de la mendicité et du vagabondage en France sous l'ancien régime (Paris, 1906); Frank Aydelotte, Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds (Oxford, 1913), and overtly racist: Robert Ritter, Ein Menschenschlag. Erbärztliche und erbgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über die - durch 10 Geschlechterfolgen erforschten - Nachkommen von "Vagabunden, Jaunem und Räubern" (Leipzig, 1937).
10. See, among others, Christian Paultre, De la répression de la mendicité et du vagabondage en France sous l'ancien régime (Paris, 1906); Frank Aydelotte, Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds (Oxford, 1913), and overtly racist: Robert Ritter, Ein Menschenschlag. Erbärztliche und erbgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über die - durch 10 Geschlechterfolgen erforschten - Nachkommen von "Vagabunden, Jaunem und Räubern" (Leipzig, 1937).
11. For instance, the works of Garsten Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland: Das organisierte Bandenwesen im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1976); Garsten Küther, Menschen auf der Strasse, Vagierende Unterschichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der zweiten Hälfte des 18, Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1983); Ernst Schubert, Arme Leute. Bettler und Gauner im Franken des 18. Jahrhunderts (Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 1990); Florike Egmond, Underworlds: Organized Crime in the Netherlands, 1650-1800 (Cambridge, 1993).
12. For instance, the works of Garsten Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland: Das organisierte Bandenwesen im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1976); Garsten Küther, Menschen auf der Strasse, Vagierende Unterschichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der zweiten Hälfte des 18, Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1983); Ernst Schubert, Arme Leute. Bettler und Gauner im Franken des 18. Jahrhunderts (Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 1990); Florike Egmond, Underworlds: Organized Crime in the Netherlands, 1650-1800 (Cambridge, 1993).
13. For instance, the works of Garsten Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland: Das organisierte Bandenwesen im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1976); Garsten Küther, Menschen auf der Strasse, Vagierende Unterschichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der zweiten Hälfte des 18, Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1983); Ernst Schubert, Arme Leute. Bettler und Gauner im Franken des 18. Jahrhunderts (Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 1990); Florike Egmond, Underworlds: Organized Crime in the Netherlands, 1650-1800 (Cambridge, 1993).
14. For instance, the works of Garsten Küther, Räuber und Gauner in Deutschland: Das organisierte Bandenwesen im 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1976); Garsten Küther, Menschen auf der Strasse, Vagierende Unterschichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der zweiten Hälfte des 18, Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1983); Ernst Schubert, Arme Leute. Bettler und Gauner im Franken des 18. Jahrhunderts (Neustadt a.d. Aisch, 1990); Florike Egmond, Underworlds: Organized Crime in the Netherlands, 1650-1800 (Cambridge, 1993).
15. An excellent critical literature survey on the negative and often "marginalizing" and "criminalizing" treatment of vagrants in historiography is Leo Lucassen, "A Blind Spot: Migratory and Travelling Groups in Western European Historiography", International Review of Social History, 38 (1993), pp. 209-235.
16. A.L. Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order in Elizabethan England", Past and Present, 64 (1974), pp. 3-29;
17. Beier, Masterless Men.
18. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
19. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
20. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
21. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
22. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
23. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
24. And are typically undertaken in the context of local historiography and/or in extension of (and secondary to) the historiography of institutions, with the treatment of vagrants often limited to descriptions of social profile characteristics, see for instance Armand Deroisy, "Aspects du vagabondage dans le plat-pays de Brabant dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle", Revue du droit pénal et de criminologie, 3(1957), pp. 331-347; Robert Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage en Basse-Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe siècle", Revue d'Auvergne, 79 (1965), pp. 65-78; P. Crépillon, "Un 'gibier des prévots': Mendiants et vagabonds au XVIIIe siècle entre la Vire et la Dives, 1720-1789", Annales de Normandie, 17 (1967), pp. 223-252; Pierre Goubert, Clio parmi les hommes. Recueil d'articles (Paris [etc.], 1976), pp. 265-278. With more room for analysis: Jean-Pierre Gutton, La societé et les pauvres. L'exemple de la généralit́ de Lyon, 1534-1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 123-211; Véronique Boucheron, "La montée du flot des errants de 1760 à 1789 dans la géńralit́ d'Alençon", Annales de Normandie, 21 (1971), pp. 55-86; Jean-Pierre Gutton, L'état et la mendicité dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle. Auvergne, Beaujolais, Forez, Lyonnais (Lyon, 1973), pp. 178-200.
25. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
26. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
27. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
28. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
29. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
30. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
31. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
32. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
33. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
34. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
35. Cf. Olwen Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1974), pp. 71, 83-102, 120. Even after finding out with surprise that most actually concerned migrant workers, Gutton still defines "real" vagrants in criminal terms, although conceding "nous sommes embarrassés pour trouver une limite convenable"; Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-199, 188, also idem, La, societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-212. Also Moch sets vagrants apart as "marginal migrants": Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe since 1650 (Bloomington, IN, 1992), pp. 88-93. Clark and Souden have treated vagrants as a prime example in their typology of "subsistence migrants", i.e. disproportionally (and thus "disfunctionally") driven by "push" forces, versus ("normal" and "functional") "betterment migrants", although also conceding the problematical limits between such two categories: Peter Clark and David Souden, "Introduction", in Peter Clark and David Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 11-48, 22-38, relying on the findings of the reprinted 1978 article by Paul Slack, "Vagrants and Vagrancy in England, 1598-1664", in the same collection, pp. 49-76, and elaborating upon the typology originally introduced in Peter Clark, "The Migrant in Kentish Towns 1580-1640", in Peter Clark and Paul Slack (eds), Crisis and Order in English Towns, 1500-1700: Essays in Urban History (London, 1972), pp. 117-163. This intimate association of vagrants with such completely push-driven "subsistence migration", is restated in I.D. Whyte, Migration and Society in Britain, 1550-1830 (Basingstoke, 2000), pp. 49-57. Even Beier relies on this concept of "subsistence migration" to characterize the migration experiences of the "vagrants" studied by him: Beier, Masterless Men, pp. 29-30. For criticism of such dichotomies and "miserable" interpretations of vagrants: Lucassen, "A Blind Spot", pp. 218-221; Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen, "Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives", in Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen (eds), Migration, Migration History, History: Old Paradigms and New Perspectives (Bern, 1997), pp. 9-38, 19-20.
36. At least within the complexities and limits of incomplete information and social, political, cultural, and psychological factors, for instance: Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 6-18; Dirk Hoerder, "Segmented Macrosystems and Networking Individuals: The Balancing Functions of Migration Processes", in Lucassen and Lucassen, Migration, Migration History, History, pp. 73-84; Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration"; Michael P. Hanagan, "Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay", International Labor and 'Working-Class History, 54 (1998), pp. 57-79.
37. At least within the complexities and limits of incomplete information and social, political, cultural, and psychological factors, for instance: Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 6-18; Dirk Hoerder, "Segmented Macrosystems and Networking Individuals: The Balancing Functions of Migration Processes", in Lucassen and Lucassen, Migration, Migration History, History, pp. 73-84; Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration"; Michael P. Hanagan, "Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay", International Labor and 'Working-Class History, 54 (1998), pp. 57-79.
38. At least within the complexities and limits of incomplete information and social, political, cultural, and psychological factors, for instance: Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 6-18; Dirk Hoerder, "Segmented Macrosystems and Networking Individuals: The Balancing Functions of Migration Processes", in Lucassen and Lucassen, Migration, Migration History, History, pp. 73-84; Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration"; Michael P. Hanagan, "Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay", International Labor and 'Working-Class History, 54 (1998), pp. 57-79.
39. At least within the complexities and limits of incomplete information and social, political, cultural, and psychological factors, for instance: Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 6-18; Dirk Hoerder, "Segmented Macrosystems and Networking Individuals: The Balancing Functions of Migration Processes", in Lucassen and Lucassen, Migration, Migration History, History, pp. 73-84; Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration"; Michael P. Hanagan, "Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay", International Labor and 'Working-Class History, 54 (1998), pp. 57-79.
40. On the sources typically used in migration studies, see Clark and Souden, "Introduction", pp. 18-20; Whyte, Migration, pp. 16-21.
41. On the sources typically used in migration studies, see Clark and Souden, "Introduction", pp. 18-20; Whyte, Migration, pp. 16-21.
42. Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-industrial Europe (Brighton [etc.], 1979), pp. 188ff; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. Soff; Robert S. DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge [etc.], 1997), pp. 184ff., 259ff.
43. Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-industrial Europe (Brighton [etc.], 1979), pp. 188ff; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. Soff; Robert S. DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge [etc.], 1997), pp. 184ff., 259ff.
44. Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-industrial Europe (Brighton [etc.], 1979), pp. 188ff; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. Soff; Robert S. DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge [etc.], 1997), pp. 184ff., 259ff.
45. Cf. among others: Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 6-18;
46. Jacques Dupaquier, "Mobilité géographique et mobilité sociale", in Antonio Eiras Roel and Ofelia Rey Castelao (eds), Les migrations internes et à moyenne distance en Europe, 1500-1900 (Santiago de Compostella, 1994), pp. 3-26;
47. Hoarder, "Segmented Macrosystems";
48. Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration".
49. Algemeen Rijksarchief, Brussels [hereafter, ARA], I 108, Drossaard van Brabant [hereafter, DvB], 145-180. For details on the sample and other methodological issues, see Appendix.
50. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
51. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van
52. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
53. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
54. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
55. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
56. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
57. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
58. Who could, of course, not claim a legal residence in the duchy. On the institutional workings and history of the drossaard, see: E. Poullet, Histoire du droit pénal dans le duché de Brabant depuis l'avènement de Charles Quint jusqu'à la réunion de la Belgique à la France, à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1870), pp. 296-298; M. Vanhaegendoren, Inventons van het archief van de Drossaard van Brabant en van de Provoost-Generaal van het Hof en van de Nederlanden (Brussels, 1949), pp. 5-13; Armand Deroisy, "La répression du vagabondage, de la mendicité et de la prostitution dans les Pays-Bas Autrichiens durant la seconde moitié du 18e siècle" (Ph.D., Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1964); Fernand Vanhemelryck, "Bijdrage tot de Studie van het politieapparaat in het Ancien Régime. De opsporing van het misdrijf in Brabant", Belgisch tijdschrift voorfilologie en geschiedenis, 50 (1972), pp. 356-394; Armand Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens après 1750: La lutte contre le vagabondage", in R. Mortier and H. Hasquin (eds), Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1978), pp. 133-145; Armand Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières chargées des poursuites contre les vagabonds dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens au XVIIIe siècle", in Jean-Luc Delattre et al. (eds) La Belgique rurale du Moyen-Age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebemx (Brussels, 1985), pp. 295-308; W.Ch. Depreeuw, Landloperij, bedelarij en thuisloosheid: een sociohistorische analyse van repressie, bijstanden instellingen (Antwerp [etc.], 1988), pp. 72-81; Claude Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", in R. van Uytven et al. (eds), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Brabant en Mechelen tot 179; (Brussels, 2000), pp. 172-180. The workings of the police company were laid down in the in 1765 revised regulations, printed in Placcaeten van Brabant, pp. 96ff.
59. "Déclarons pour vagabonds et gens sans aveu tous ceux qui ne sont pas dans quelque service ou emploi ou qui ne font pas quelque traffic, négoce et metier, ou qui n'ont pas les moyens de pouvoir aucunement subsister" was the legal definition in force during the period under consideration: Recueil des ordonnances des Pays-Bas autrichiens [hereafter, ROPBA], IX, p. 244; XI, p. 138. Associations with begging and mobility figured in the general appeal to arrest "vagabonds, mendiants, étrangers ou autres natifs du pays, qui courent d'un endroit à l'autre": ROPBA, XI, p. 339. That the normative applicability of the crime of vagrancy varied according to specific preoccupations is aptly illustrated by a rare explicit statement that the targeting of "remouleurs, ramoneurs de cheminées et autres étrangers semblables" in 1740 had only been a temporary measure "par rapport aux circonstances particulières de la disette de ce temps-là et du grand nombre d'ouvriers étrangers qui se trouvoient pour lors dans ce pays": ROPBA, IX, pp. 154-155. The official police mission of the drossaard was described only in very vague terms as "apprehender et punir tous malfaiteurs, vagabonds et criminels personnes": Deroisy, "La répression", p. 72.
60. On the many investigations regarding corruption in workings of the company: ibid., pp. 74-79, 83; Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre", pp. 133-134.
61. On the many investigations regarding corruption in workings of the company: ibid., pp. 74-79, 83; Deroisy, "Un aspect du maintien de l'ordre", pp. 133-134.
62. The new regulation allowed local authorities in Brabant to replace the compulsory but unpopular and malfunctioning vigilante patrols with full-time local guards, under the orders of the drossaard, whereas taking on such a guard had previously not officially discharged local authorities from organising vigilante patrols: ARA, T 460, Geheime Raad, 474/A. The later publishers of the standard collection of laws promulgated in the Austrian Netherlands considered this edict too insignificant for inclusion (see ROPBA, X, p. 278, n. 2), whereas they did print many other long and probably much more trivial regulations regarding the drossaard. Likewise, historians of the drossaard institution, maybe too preoccupied with finding antecedents of a central police force and equivalents of the French Maréchaussée, and too much directed by the ROPBA selection, have all focused on the probably virtually non-existent company and spent hardly any attention on the 1772 edict and these local guards. Yet under the new regulations, the numbers of such local guards rose from a mere 40 before to well over 200 (to 236 according to Deroisy, "La repression", p. 136, n. 4, 141; to 275 according to Guido Vrolix, "De drossaard van Brabant (1765-1794)" ("Licenciaat" thesis, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1977), p. 51, followed by Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", p. 174; and to at least 230 according to a pay list in the provincial archives: ARA, T 502, Staten van Brabant, cart. 161/2: 161/14).
63. The new regulation allowed local authorities in Brabant to replace the compulsory but unpopular and malfunctioning vigilante patrols with full-time local guards, under the orders of the drossaard, whereas taking on such a guard had previously not officially discharged local authorities from organising vigilante patrols: ARA, T 460, Geheime Raad, 474/A. The later publishers of the standard collection of laws promulgated in the Austrian Netherlands considered this edict too insignificant for inclusion (see ROPBA, X, p. 278, n. 2), whereas they did print many other long and probably much more trivial regulations regarding the drossaard. Likewise, historians of the drossaard institution, maybe too preoccupied with finding antecedents of a central police force and equivalents of the French Maréchaussée, and too much directed by the ROPBA selection, have all focused on the probably virtually non-existent company and spent hardly any attention on the 1772 edict and these local guards. Yet under the new regulations, the numbers of such local guards rose from a mere 40 before to well over 200 (to 236 according to Deroisy, "La repression", p. 136, n. 4, 141; to 275 according to Guido Vrolix, "De drossaard van Brabant (1765-1794)" ("Licenciaat" thesis, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1977), p. 51, followed by Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", p. 174; and to at least 230 according to a pay list in the provincial archives: ARA, T 502, Staten van Brabant, cart. 161/2: 161/14).
64. The new regulation allowed local authorities in Brabant to replace the compulsory but unpopular and malfunctioning vigilante patrols with full-time local guards, under the orders of the drossaard, whereas taking on such a guard had previously not officially discharged local authorities from organising vigilante patrols: ARA, T 460, Geheime Raad, 474/A. The later publishers of the standard collection of laws promulgated in the Austrian Netherlands considered this edict too insignificant for inclusion (see ROPBA, X, p. 278, n. 2), whereas they did print many other long and probably much more trivial regulations regarding the drossaard. Likewise, historians of the drossaard institution, maybe too preoccupied with finding antecedents of a central police force and equivalents of the French Maréchaussée, and too much directed by the ROPBA selection, have all focused on the probably virtually non-existent company and spent hardly any attention on the 1772 edict and these local guards. Yet under the new regulations, the numbers of such local guards rose from a mere 40 before to well over 200 (to 236 according to Deroisy, "La repression", p. 136, n. 4, 141; to 275 according to Guido Vrolix, "De drossaard van Brabant (1765-1794)" ("Licenciaat" thesis, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 1977), p. 51, followed by Bruneel, "Drossaard van Brabant", p. 174; and to at least 230 according to a pay list in the provincial archives: ARA, T 502, Staten van Brabant, cart. 161/2: 161/14).
65. The bounty was 12 guilders (ROPBA, IX, p. 245), the equivalent of 18 day's wages of an unskilled labourer. The guards, whose remuneration was chiefly in kind (food, clothing, and lodging) were awarded a monthly allowance of 15 guilders: Vrolix, "De drossaard van Brabant", pp. 93-94. Although some bounty system had been installed in 1749 (ROPBA, VI, p. 440), it is plausible that knowledge about its existence and "possibilities" (claimants had to make a formal request) had been limited: cf. Deroisy, "La répression", pp. 126-127.
66. The bounty was 12 guilders (ROPBA, IX, p. 245), the equivalent of 18 day's wages of an unskilled labourer. The guards, whose remuneration was chiefly in kind (food, clothing, and lodging) were awarded a monthly allowance of 15 guilders: Vrolix, "De drossaard van Brabant", pp. 93-94. Although some bounty system had been installed in 1749 (ROPBA, VI, p. 440), it is plausible that knowledge about its existence and "possibilities" (claimants had to make a formal request) had been limited: cf. Deroisy, "La répression", pp. 126-127.
67. The arrest numbers from 1765-1766 and 1777-1782 come from Véronique Mauroy, "Mendiants et vagabonds arrêtés par le Drossard de Brabant, 1765 à 1787. Essai d'étude quantitative" ("Licentiaat" thesis, Université Catholique de Louvain, 1983), pp. 184-186. Other calculations are mine. For the category "unclear" it is not possible to establish unambiguously whether the authors of the arrests concerned local guards or company members.
68. ROPBA, X, pp. 419-420; XI, p. 25; Deroisy, "La répression", pp. 124-127, 210; Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières", pp. 300-301.
69. ROPBA, X, pp. 419-420; XI, p. 25; Deroisy, "La répression", pp. 124-127, 210; Deroisy, "Juridictions particulières", pp. 300-301.
70. Two general pardons were executed in 1776 by the central authority, discharging present and future detainees if they had been arrested solely for begging (which concerned, as we shall see, the majority of the drossaard cases), with the important stipulation "qu'il n'écherra à l'égard de pareils mendiants aucune recompense en faveur des officiers des endroits où ils auront été appréhendés": ARA, T 460, Geheime Raad, 474/A; ROPBA, XI, p. 138.
71. A far greater proportion of women (34 per cent) than of men (9 per cent) was accompanied by her or his partner respectively at the time of the arrest. Less than i per cent of men and 6 per cent of women were accompanied by a partner to whom they were not lawfully married.
72. The standard expulsion was nominally to be punished with whipping, in addition to a reiteration of the banishment if ignored, yet in reality only one in ten "recidivists" underwent such whipping, typically only when arrested under aggravating circumstances; the others received only a reiteration of their expulsion order. All in all, less than 4 per cent of all court cases ended in a punishment other than expulsion. The relatively high rate of "recidivism" - one in ten of the accused between 1767 and 1776 had earlier been sentenced by the same tribunal - might then indicate that the deterrence emanating from the drossaard was in reality rather modest.
73. The almost obligatory observation "no fixed residence", for instance, served merely to establish the competence of the court on the case: it conveys nothing more than that the person in question had no legally certified residence within the duchy, and tells us nothing about the actual sedentary nature of his or her life - within or without the boundaries of the province. Likewise, evidence on whereabouts before detainees had entered the duchy appears considerably abbreviated in busy periods - as it was irrelevant for prosecution.
74. Anne Winter, "Mobiliteit in een transitieperiode: 'Vagebonden' in Brabant, 1767-1776" ("Licenciaat" thesis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, zooi), pp. 56-79. For a short comment on methodological issues: see Appendix.
75. Most importantly, it is clear that "profession" was often understood more in the sense of schooling and skill than of actual livelihood and employment, which could be divergent and multiple. For instance, people "without profession" often demonstrably worked, but typically as unskilled casual labour. As such, this information does constitute a valuable indicator of the "professional background" and level of schooling, and in extension of socioeconomic status.
76. A residual of 2.8 per cent cams from a variety of regions not represented on the map, each providing less than 0.6 per cent of detainees.
77. For some further comments on the processing of the information, see Appendix.
78. All examinations where such motivations were mentioned have been taken into account, even when not explicitly related to the initial departure, as they all provide information on overall aims and functions of mobility. Although such unverifiable and subjective evidence might easily be disregarded as post-factum and ad-hoc "excuses", these motivations appeared intelligibly and insightfully related to other aspects of the detainees' social profile and mobile experience. Also, the mention of "begging" as an explicit motivation, for instance, can hardly be interpreted as a manoeuvre to alleviate the charges.
79. As livelihood had direct bearing on the charges of vagrancy, most interrogations duly recorded such information (87 per cent). Although begging may be relatively overrated, as it was often mentioned as the motive for arrest, the interest of both interrogators and detainees appear to have stimulated a high overall completeness of livelihood information. (Ex-)servants had typically been arrested on charges of theft (typically at their (ex-)master's home), and their small number inhibits further detailed analysis.
80. Period "on the move" has been grouped in eight time categories each comprising more or less an equal proportion of detainees (15 per cent, 10 per cent, 13 per cent, 12 per cent, 15 per cent, 13 per cent, 12 per cent, and 10 per cent respectively).
81. ARA, I 108, DvB, 162: Anna Catharina Luyts (17/11/1772).
82. Most came from regions within the "push-areas" C (encompassing the north of Flanders and the border regions of Brabant and Limburg) and D (part of département Ourthe and Meuse Inférieure) as delineated by Lucassen, and from adjacent areas in the Roër département which at the time of the French survey temporarily absorbed its and other (especially from the Ourthe region) labour migrants by the digging of the "Grand Canal du Nord". Jan Lucassen, Migrant Labour in Europe 1600-1500: The Drift to the North Sea (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 25-27, 56-64, 107, 145-155, 162-163, 228-229, and details in Jan Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee. Trekarbeid in Euro-fees perspectief, 1600-1900 (Utrecht, 1984), pp. 303-305, 309-310, 315-317. On migrant labour in Zeeland-Flanders also: P.J. van Cruyningen, Behoudend maar buigzaam. Boeren in West-Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, 1650-1950 (Wageningen, 2000), pp. 97ff., 123-125, 130ff., 171-178.
83. Most came from regions within the "push-areas" C (encompassing the north of Flanders and the border regions of Brabant and Limburg) and D (part of département Ourthe and Meuse Inférieure) as delineated by Lucassen, and from adjacent areas in the Roër département which at the time of the French survey temporarily absorbed its and other (especially from the Ourthe region) labour migrants by the digging of the "Grand Canal du Nord". Jan Lucassen, Migrant Labour in Europe 1600-1500: The Drift to the North Sea (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 25-27, 56-64, 107, 145-155, 162-163, 228-229, and details in Jan Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee. Trekarbeid in Euro-fees perspectief, 1600-1900 (Utrecht, 1984), pp. 303-305, 309-310, 315-317. On migrant labour in Zeeland-Flanders also: P.J. van Cruyningen, Behoudend maar buigzaam. Boeren in West-Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, 1650-1950 (Wageningen, 2000), pp. 97ff., 123-125, 130ff., 171-178.
84. Most came from regions within the "push-areas" C (encompassing the north of Flanders and the border regions of Brabant and Limburg) and D (part of département Ourthe and Meuse Inférieure) as delineated by Lucassen, and from adjacent areas in the Roër département which at the time of the French survey temporarily absorbed its and other (especially from the Ourthe region) labour migrants by the digging of the "Grand Canal du Nord". Jan Lucassen, Migrant Labour in Europe 1600-1500: The Drift to the North Sea (London [etc.], 1987), pp. 25-27, 56-64, 107, 145-155, 162-163, 228-229, and details in Jan Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee. Trekarbeid in Euro-fees perspectief, 1600-1900 (Utrecht, 1984), pp. 303-305, 309-310, 315-317. On migrant labour in Zeeland-Flanders also: P.J. van Cruyningen, Behoudend maar buigzaam. Boeren in West-Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, 1650-1950 (Wageningen, 2000), pp. 97ff., 123-125, 130ff., 171-178.
85. ARA, I 108, DvB, 150: Jean Lamigni (14/01/1769).
86. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
87. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
88. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
89. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
90. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
91. Abel Poitrineau, "Aspects de Immigration temporaire et saisonnière en Auvergne à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 9 (1962), pp. 5-50, 11-23; Hufton, The Poor, pp. 72-75, 81-83, 87-90; Abel Poitrineau, Remues d'hommes. Les migrations montagnardes en France, 17e-18e siècles (Paris, 1983), pp. 126-130; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 89; Jean-Pierre Poussou, "Mobilité et migrations", in Jacques Dupâquier (ed.), Histoire de la population française, II: De la, Renaissance à 1789 (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-143, 105-106, 109-111; Moch, Moving Europeans, pp. 79-88.
92. Serge Jaumain, "Un métier oublié: Le colporteur dans la Belgique du XIXe siècle", Revue belge d'histoire contemporaine, 16 (1985), pp. 307-356; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 88-92; L. Fontaine, Histoire du colportage (Paris, 1993).
93. Serge Jaumain, "Un métier oublié: Le colporteur dans la Belgique du XIXe siècle", Revue belge d'histoire contemporaine, 16 (1985), pp. 307-356; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 88-92; L. Fontaine, Histoire du colportage (Paris, 1993).
94. Serge Jaumain, "Un métier oublié: Le colporteur dans la Belgique du XIXe siècle", Revue belge d'histoire contemporaine, 16 (1985), pp. 307-356; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 88-92; L. Fontaine, Histoire du colportage (Paris, 1993).
95. ARA, I 108, DvB, 150: Jean François Vascon and Pierre Dufour (21/10/1769).
96. ARA, I 108, DvB, 152: Andreas Thadei (03/02/1770).
97. Demographic pressure, proletarianization and impoverishment increased overall migration rates from northern Italian regions in the late eighteenth century, mostly directed at seasonal labour in the Italian river valleys and coastal plains: Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee, pp. 3 39-3 5 8; S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London [etc.], 1386), pp. 53-58; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 116-122; Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 78; DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism, p. 157. Dutch prints from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century reprinted in Lucassen, Migrant Labour, plates 15 and 18, illustrate how ambulant Italian artists and hawkers were familiar phenomena in local popular culture.
98. Demographic pressure, proletarianization and impoverishment increased overall migration rates from northern Italian regions in the late eighteenth century, mostly directed at seasonal labour in the Italian river valleys and coastal plains: Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee, pp. 3 39-3 5 8; S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London [etc.], 1386), pp. 53-58; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 116-122; Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 78; DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism, p. 157. Dutch prints from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century reprinted in Lucassen, Migrant Labour, plates 15 and 18, illustrate how ambulant Italian artists and hawkers were familiar phenomena in local popular culture.
99. Demographic pressure, proletarianization and impoverishment increased overall migration rates from northern Italian regions in the late eighteenth century, mostly directed at seasonal labour in the Italian river valleys and coastal plains: Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee, pp. 3 39-3 5 8; S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London [etc.], 1386), pp. 53-58; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 116-122; Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 78; DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism, p. 157. Dutch prints from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century reprinted in Lucassen, Migrant Labour, plates 15 and 18, illustrate how ambulant Italian artists and hawkers were familiar phenomena in local popular culture.
100. Demographic pressure, proletarianization and impoverishment increased overall migration rates from northern Italian regions in the late eighteenth century, mostly directed at seasonal labour in the Italian river valleys and coastal plains: Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee, pp. 3 39-3 5 8; S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London [etc.], 1386), pp. 53-58; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 116-122; Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 78; DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism, p. 157. Dutch prints from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century reprinted in Lucassen, Migrant Labour, plates 15 and 18, illustrate how ambulant Italian artists and hawkers were familiar phenomena in local popular culture.
101. Demographic pressure, proletarianization and impoverishment increased overall migration rates from northern Italian regions in the late eighteenth century, mostly directed at seasonal labour in the Italian river valleys and coastal plains: Lucassen, Naar de kusten van de Noordzee, pp. 3 39-3 5 8; S. Woolf, The Poor in Western Europe in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London [etc.], 1386), pp. 53-58; Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 116-122; Moch, Moving Europeans, p. 78; DuPlessis, Transitions to Capitalism, p. 157. Dutch prints from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century reprinted in Lucassen, Migrant Labour, plates 15 and 18, illustrate how ambulant Italian artists and hawkers were familiar phenomena in local popular culture.
102. ARA, I 108, DvB, Susanne Scheydel (18/02/1774).
103. On the precarious situation in Brabant and the Liège region: Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 174-177; Nicole Haesenne-Peremans, La pauvreté dans la région liégoise à l'aube de la révolution industrielle (Paris, 1981), pp. 183-222. On countryside begging by town dwellers to evade the stricter deterrence policy of cities: Paul Bonenfant, Le problème du paupérisme en Belgique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (Brussels, 1932), pp. 391-392; Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "'Total Institutions' and the Survival Strategies of the Laboring Poor in Antwerp, 1770-1860", in Peter Mandler (ed.), The Uses of Charity: The Poor on Relief in the Nineteenth-Century Metropolis (Philadelphia, PA, 1990), pp. 38-67, 43.
104. On the precarious situation in Brabant and the Liège region: Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 174-177; Nicole Haesenne-Peremans, La pauvreté dans la région liégoise à l'aube de la révolution industrielle (Paris, 1981), pp. 183-222. On countryside begging by town dwellers to evade the stricter deterrence policy of cities: Paul Bonenfant, Le problème du paupérisme en Belgique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (Brussels, 1932), pp. 391-392; Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "'Total Institutions' and the Survival Strategies of the Laboring Poor in Antwerp, 1770-1860", in Peter Mandler (ed.), The Uses of Charity: The Poor on Relief in the Nineteenth-Century Metropolis (Philadelphia, PA, 1990), pp. 38-67, 43.
105. On the precarious situation in Brabant and the Liège region: Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 174-177; Nicole Haesenne-Peremans, La pauvreté dans la région liégoise à l'aube de la révolution industrielle (Paris, 1981), pp. 183-222. On countryside begging by town dwellers to evade the stricter deterrence policy of cities: Paul Bonenfant, Le problème du paupérisme en Belgique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (Brussels, 1932), pp. 391-392; Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "'Total Institutions' and the Survival Strategies of the Laboring Poor in Antwerp, 1770-1860", in Peter Mandler (ed.), The Uses of Charity: The Poor on Relief in the Nineteenth-Century Metropolis (Philadelphia, PA, 1990), pp. 38-67, 43.
106. On the precarious situation in Brabant and the Liège region: Lis and Soly, Poverty and Capitalism, pp. 174-177; Nicole Haesenne-Peremans, La pauvreté dans la région liégoise à l'aube de la révolution industrielle (Paris, 1981), pp. 183-222. On countryside begging by town dwellers to evade the stricter deterrence policy of cities: Paul Bonenfant, Le problème du paupérisme en Belgique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (Brussels, 1932), pp. 391-392; Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "'Total Institutions' and the Survival Strategies of the Laboring Poor in Antwerp, 1770-1860", in Peter Mandler (ed.), The Uses of Charity: The Poor on Relief in the Nineteenth-Century Metropolis (Philadelphia, PA, 1990), pp. 38-67, 43.
107. Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 140-142; idem, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-182.
108. Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 140-142; idem, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-182.
109. Lucassen, Migrant Labour, p. 42.
110. As also Gutton has remarked on "la pratique très répondue dans le menu peuple de faire des voyages à pied, avec des ressources fort limitée, en vivant d'expédients dont le plus normal est la mendicité. Ou même, mendier n'est que le moyen d'économiser une somme, qui, de toutes manières, permettrait de faire le voyage dans des conditions normales": Gutton, L'état et la mendicité, pp. 180-181.
111. Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 77-81.
112. Most recently restated in Xavier Rousseaux, "L'incrimination du vagabondage en Brabant (146-18e siècles). Langages du droit et réalités de pratique", in G. van Dievoet et al. (eds), Langage et droit à travers l'histoire, 'Réalités et fictions (Louvain [etc.], 1989), pp. 147-183;
113. Marie-Sylvie Dupont-Bouchat, "L'invention de la prison moderne", Paedagogica historica, 26 (1990), pp. 63-98;
114. Marie-Helene Renaut, "Vagabondage et mendicité: délits périmés, réalité quotidienne", Revue historique, 298 (1998), pp. 287-322.
115. Lucassen, Migrant Labour, pp. 28, 144-145.
116. Rousseaux in any case does remark that the criminalization of vagrancy in Brabant appears to have been a process that was clearly initiated and directed top-down from the sixteenth century onwards: Rousseaux, "L'incrimination", pp. 163-164.
117. Cf. Goubert's research on arrests by the French maréchaussée in the departments of Brie and Bicêtre, which shows how the installation of a bounty system in 1764 and 1767 not only boosted arrest numbers but also changed the dominant profile of those arrested: whereas "mere beggars" made up the majority under the bounty system, previously much more limited arrest activity had predominantly concerned deserters and petty thieves: Goubert, Clio, p. 266.
118. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
119. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
120. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
121. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
122. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
123. Comparison with the findings of other "vagrant studies" is difficult, as many were conducted within a very divergent methodological or theoretical framework, yet, where possible, most suggest that also at other periods in other areas most people arrested for vagrancy in reality constituted people "on the road" for "functional reasons", most typically work related. Especially Beier, "Vagrants and the Social Order"; idem, Masterless Men, also Liris, "Mendicité et vagabondage", pp. 76-77; Gutton, La societé et les pauvres, pp. 123-211; Boucheron, "La montée", pp. 71-75; Gutton, L'état et la, mendicité, pp. 178-200.
124. See, for instance, Egmond, Underworlds; Erwin Steegen, "Kinderen van vagebonden in plattelandsbenden tijdens de eerste helft van de achttiende eeuw", in Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly (eds), Tussen dader en slachtoffer, Jongeren en criminaliteit in historisch perspectief (Brussels, 2001), pp. 143-167.
125. See, for instance, Egmond, Underworlds; Erwin Steegen, "Kinderen van vagebonden in plattelandsbenden tijdens de eerste helft van de achttiende eeuw", in Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly (eds), Tussen dader en slachtoffer, Jongeren en criminaliteit in historisch perspectief (Brussels, 2001), pp. 143-167.
126. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, 's-Hertogenbosch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
127. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, 's-Hertogenbosch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
128. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, 's-Hertogenbosch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
129. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, 's-Hertogenbosch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
130. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, ch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
131. On the complex concerns and motivations behind vagrancy and mobility legislation, see for instance Lis and Soly, "Policing"; Lucassen, "Eternal Vagrants?"; Anne Winter, "Divided Interests, Divided Migrants: The Rationales of Policies Regarding Labour Mobility in Western Europe, ca. 1550-1914" (M.Sc. thesis, London School of Economics, 2002). On the local mechanisms of exclusion of "outsiders", see for instance Maarten Prak, Republikeinse veelheid, demokratisch enkelvoud: Sociale verandering in het Revolutietijdvak, 's-Hertogenbosch 1770-1820 (Nijmegen, 1999), pp. 33-47, 121-131. An interesting perspective focusing on the interrelationships between repression towards mobile groups, police professionalization, and state formation is offered by Leo Lucassen, Zigeuner. Die Geschichte eines polizeilichen Ordnungsbegriffes in Deutschland, 1700-194; (Cologne [etc.], 1996); Leo Lucassen, "'Harmful Tramps': Police Professionalization and Gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", Crime, History and Societies, 1 (1997), pp. 29-50.
132. Lucassen and Lucassen, "Migration", p. 20.