The "Sceptical crisis" reconsidered: Galen, rational medicine and the libertas philosophandi

Early Science and Medicine

Volumn 11, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 247-274

  Maclean, Ian ^a  

^a ALL SOULS COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; HISTORY; PHILOSOPHY;

HISTORY, 15TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 16TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, MEDIEVAL; PHILOSOPHY;

EID: 39049175549     PISSN: 13837427     EISSN: 15733823     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/157338206778144437     Document Type: Article

References (153)

1. Bruno Nardi, "Corsi manoscritti e ritratto di P. Pomponazzi", in Studi su Pietro Pomponazzi (Florence, 1965), 37.
2. quoted and translated by Martin L. Pine, Pietro Pomponazzi, Radical Philosopher of the Renaissance (Padua, 1986), 20: "quid scitis an somniatis dum creditis audire me legentem? Nam ut per intellectum aut per sensum scitis me legere: non per sensum quia sensum decipi potest; imo non est certitudo in sensu [...] Si enim dicis - Audi te legentem; et alius - video te legentem - dicam ego quod tu mentiris. Tu respondebis: - ego sum sanus et tu non es sanus - ; sed ego negabo et dicam te esse in errore, et me esse sanum et te decipi. Et quis probabit hoc? Quare, licet hec sint sophismata, qui contra veritatem sunt, tamen ego nescio ita bene solvere ea." (Arezzo, Biblioteca della Fraternità de' Laici, ms 389 (now 390), ff. 248v-249r.)
3. Quentin Skinner, "Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas", History and Theory, 8 (1969), 3-53; .
4. "Motives, Intentions and the Meaning of Texts", New Literary History, 3 (1971-2), 393-408.
5. This is not however to say that the important factors in historical change of any kind cannot emerge after the event, or be invisible to historical actors, or vary over time, as history itself unfolds. The question whether thinkers suffer from the limitations of what Bachelard calls the "epistemological obstacle" is not addressed directly here: see Mary Tiles, Bachelard, Science and Objectivity (Cambridge, 1984).
6. Commentarii in librum De generatione et cmruptione, quoted by Nardi, Studi, 252-3: "vos scitis quod ego composui librum in quo teneo, secundum Aristotelem, animam esse mortalem, licet credam opinionem illam esse falsam, quoniam est contra fidem nostram." But his dying words as reported by a witness to his death may provide such evidence, given their elusiveness: see Pine, Pomponazzi, 51-2, quoting a letter of Antonio Brocardo of May 20, 1525: "abeo, loetus abeo"; "quo ergo vultis abire domine?"; "quo mortales omnes"; "et quo erunt mortales?" "quo ego et alii."
7. Richard Popkin, The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Descartes (Assen, 1960).
8. The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Spinoza (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1979).
9. The History of Scepticism from Savonarola to Bayle (New York and Oxford, 2003)
10. also "The Role of Jewish anti-Christian Arguments in the Rise of Scepticism", in New Perspectives on Renaissance Thought: Essays in the History of Science, Education and Philosophy in Memory of Charles B. Schmitt, ed. John Henry and Sarah Hutton (London, 1990), 1-12.
11. The claims made in respect of individual authors discussed by Popkin, as well as some of the more general features of his historical method, were challenged in a seminar series held in All Souls College, Oxford in 2004: the discussions of Descartes by John Cottingham, Hobbes by Noel Malcolm, and Isaac la Peyrerè by Scott Mandelbrote first delivered at that seminar will be appearing shortly in print.
12. See John Cottingham, " Descartes as Sage: Spritual Askesis in Cartesian Philosophy," in The Persona in Early Modern Philosophy, ed. Ian Hunter, Conal Condren and Stephen Gaukroger, Cambridge University Press, forthcoming.
13. Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.220-35.
14. Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, Ibid., 1.117-24, 135-40.
15. Frederic Tinguely, "Melanges gèographiques et relativisme culturel", in Ouvrages miscellaniès et thèories de la connaissance, ed. Dominique Courcelles (Paris, 2003), 136.
16. Pierre Pellegrin, "Hypotyposes", in Sextus Empiricus: Esquisses pyrrhoniennes (Paris,1997), 552-3.
17. For prior circulation of sceptical ideas, see Luciano Floridi, Sextus Empiricus: The Transmission and Recovery of Scepticism (New York, 2002).
18. and Emmanuel Naya, La Redécouverte et I'influence du pyrrhonisme au XVIe siècle (Paris, forthcoming).
19. See also Le scepticisms aux XVIe et XVTIe siècles, ed. Pierre-Frangçois Moreau (Paris, 2001).
20. Popkin's interest in conspiracies of silence extended to his own day: see The Second Oswald (New York, 1966), on the Kennedy assassination. The alleged conspiracies and secret networks of the Early Modern World include the (implausible) one linking those of Marrano descent in France, such as Montaigne and Sanches (History of Scepticism, 39ff.) and the connections traced in France in the early seventeenth-century between various figures who belonged to quite different patronage circles, such as Marie de Gournay and Frangçois de la Mothe le Vayer (ibid., 75-83).
21. Against this view, see Ian Maclean, "Foucault's Renaissance Episteme Reassessed: An Aristotelian Counterblast", Journal of the History of Ideas, 59 (1998), 149-66.
22. John Buridan, "On the Diurnal Rotation of the Earth", in Andrew B. Schoedinger, Readings in Medieval Philosophy (Oxford, 1996), 838: "if anyone is moved on a ship and he imagines that he is at rest, then should he see another ship which is truly at rest, it will appear to him that the other ship is moved. This is so because his eye would be completely in the same relationship to the other ship regardless of whether his own ship is at rest and the other moved, or the contrary situation prevailed [...] since [...] we imagine that we are at rest, just as a man located on the ship which is moving swiftly does not perceive his own motion nor the motion of the ship." I am grateful to Sachiko Kusukawa, who supplied me with this reference. The topos is alluded to by Nicholas of Cusa.
23. Alexandre Koyré, From a Closed World to an Infinite Universe (Baltimore, 1957), 17.
24. One might think also of Buridan's ass, to which Bruno makes reference in relation to scepticism: Cabala del Cavallo Pegaseo, ed. Giovanni Aquilecchia (Paris, 1994), 76-7.
25. See Edward Peters, "Libertas inquirendi and the vitium curiositatis in medieval thought", in Limits of thought and power in medieval Europe (Aldershot (Variorum), 2001), IV.
26. There is reference to this Protagorean doctrine in Sextus Empiricus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.216. The Cusan version does not explicitly doubt that there are real objects, but claims that they are not known in their real form to the senses, and if known at all to the mind, are platonic in character. The images constructed by our own minds of objects do not represent an immediate grasp of any reality. See also Ian Maclean, Logic, signs and nature in the Renaissance: the case of learned medicine (Cambridge, 2001), 105.
27. For the fortunes of the Galenic corpus during the Middle Ages and early Renaissance, see Hermann Diels, Die Handschriften der antiken Ärzte: Galenas (Berlin, 1906)
28. Hermann Diels, Die Handschriften der antiken Ärzte: Galenas ibid., 58 refers to the sole known Greek MS of De Optimo modo dicendi held by the Laurentiana in Florence.
29. Lynn Thorndike, "Translations of the Works of Galen from the Greek by Peter of Abano", Isis, 33 (1942), 649-53.
30. id., "Translations of the Works of Galen from the Greek by Niccolo da Reggio (c.1308-1345)", Byzantina metabyzantina, 1 (1946), 213-35.
31. Richard J. Durling, "A Chronological Census of Renaissance Editions and Translations of Galen", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 24 (1961), 230-305.
32. id., "Corrigenda and Addenda to Diels's Galenica", Traditio, 23 (1967), 461-75.
33. "Corrigenda and Addenda to Diels's Galenica", Traditio, 37 (1981), 373-80.
34. Per-Gunnar Ottosson, Scholastic Medicine and Philosophy: A Study of Commentaries on Galen's Tegni (ca. 1300-1450) (Naples, 1984).
35. Vivian Nutton, John Caius and the Manuscripts of Galen (Cambridge, 1987), esp. 42-3.
36. See Neil W. Gilbert, Renaissance Concepts of Method (New York, 1960), 98ff.
37. For convenience I have used the following edition and translation: Erasmus, Collected Works: Literary and Educational Writings, vol. 7, ed. Elaine Fantham and Erika Rummel with the assistance of Jozef IJsewijn (Toronto, 1989).
38. Ibid., 240, 659: "Favorinus censet optimum doctrinae genus, per quod utranque in partem praeparamur. Sic enim appellabant Academici, propter adversam partem quam asseverabant. Itaque vetustiores existimabant hanc doctrinam desinere in epochen: quod est nulla de re pronuntiare nec asseverare certo."
39. Physics, ii.l (193a 4ff.): "it is patent that many things corresponding to our definitions do actually exist: and to set about proving the obvious from the unobvious betrays confusion of mind as to what is self-evident and what is not".
40. Erasmus, Collected Works, 472.
41. Sextus Empiricus, Against the Grammarians, 92.
42. See Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 115-17.
43. Outlines of Pyrrhonism, 1.236ff.
44. Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 139-40, 177-81, 256-9.
45. Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature Ibid., 306-14.
46. Vives, Opera (Basle, 1555), ii.516: "quae sunt harum [sc. mentis] facultatum actiones, quot, quales, qui earum ortus, progressus, incrementa, decrementa, occasus perscrutari longe arduissimum ac difficillimum, plenissimumque intricatae obscuritatis: propterea, quod supra mentem hanc non habemus aliam, quae inferiorem possit spectare ac censere, quemadmodum mens ipsa, de sensibus et parte vegetabili facile iudicat: nempe inferioribus". Julius Caesar Scaliger loosely quotes him as saying "non habemus superiorem mentem qua hanc contemplemur" (Exotericae exercitationes de subtilitate (Frankfurt am Main, 1592), ex. 307, sect. 2, p. 918).
47. See also Sextus Empiricus, Against the Logicians, 2.18f.
48. Erasmus, Collected Works 7, 243, 663: "Dicit enim rursus ipsa mens, quod possibile est nobis est naturali iudicio credere sive non credere, ipsum autem iudicium per aliud aliquid iudicare possibile non est. Qui fiet enim, ut id quo iudicantur reliqua omnia, ab alio quipiam iudicetur? Credere vis oculis clare cernentibus et linguae gustanti hoc quidem est malum, hoc ver ficum, an non credre? Concedam quod voles facere in nobis, si quidem studes mecum disputare; quod si non credis, discedam abs te, velut ab eo qui praeter naturam affectus est." In fact, as Galen relies in some of his therapeutic writings on counter-intuition (e.g. referred pain, which requires the physician not to believe the testimony of the senses), he is open to attack in his own terms; but this is not pointed out at the time.
49. see Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 194, 296.
50. On these prefaces see Terence Cave, Pré-histoires: textes troublés au seuil de la modemité (Geneva,1999), 23-50.
51. The publishers of the 1621 edition (Pierre and Jacques Chouet of Geneva) also suggests it on the titlepage: "...necnon Claudii Galeni Pergameni de optimo docendi librum quo adversus ACADEMICOS PYRRHONIOSQUE disputat" (use of capitals as in titlepage).
52. Also in the Outlines of Pyrrhonism itself, at 3.308.
53. "Hoc ergo saluberrimum omnis antiquitatis exemplum ita a vobis retineri optem (patres ornatissimi) non ut Pyrrhonis more, a rebus omnibus assensum cohibeatis, neque ex Academicorum consuetudine, contrarias in partes pertinaciter disserendo iuventutem nostram diutius in hoc pulvere retardatis, sed ut spretis aliorum iudiciis, si quando ea titubare vobis inconstantius videbuntur, quid quacunque in re medica verissimum sit, investigetis, idque cum populo hoc vestro scholastico, humanissime communicetis": Pro philosophica Monspeliensis Academiae libertate ad eiusdem printipes doctores medicos oratio x calend. Martii habita anno 1567, in Laurent Joubert, Opuscula, ed. Johannes Posthius, (Lyon, 1571), 142.
54. Fransisco Sanches, That Nothing is Known (quod nihil scitur), introd., notes and bibliography by Elaine Limbrick, trans. Douglas F.S. Thomson (Cambridge, 1988), 24ff., 64, 78.
55. Sebastianus Montuus, Dialexion medicinalium libri duo (Lyon, 1537), a2r (defining dialexis): "ea autem est argumentorum ad aliquid probandum vel improbandum comparatio"
56. Theodorus Collado, Adversaria seu commentarii medicinales (Geneva, 1615), 3: "nos utramque fovere partem non possumus: non enim duo simul sustinet contraria Veritas"
57. citing André Du Laurens, Anatomica humani corporis historia (Frankfurt, 1599), i.5.
58. See also below, note 52, on Pomponazzi's possible use of Favorinus's teaching techniques.
59. A pioneering study of this type is Walter Pagel's "Religious Motives in the Medical Biology of the XVIIth Century", Bulletin of the Institute of History of Medicine, 3 (1935), 265-312.
60. see also Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Princeton, 1986).
61. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, God and Nature: Historical Essays on the Encounter between Christianity and Science (Berkeley, 1986).
62. R.K. French and Andrew Cunningham, Before Science: The Invention of the Friars' Natural Philosophy (Aldershot, 1996).
63. When Science and Christianity Meet, ed. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers (Chicago, 2003). The battle lines of the strongly contested debate about the use of the terms "natural philosophy"
64. and "science" in relation to this period, and the possibility of seeing medieval and early modern science as a purely secular undertaking, are clearly set out by Andrew Cunningham and Edward Grant in Early Science and Medicine, 5 (2000), 258-300.
65. See also John Hedley Brooke, Margaret J. Osier and Jitse M. van der Meer, Science in Theistic Contexts: Cognitive Dimensions, Osiris 2.16 (Chicago, 2001).
66. Codex 4.13.5, on which see Ian Maclean, Interpretation and Meaning in the Renaissance: The Case of Law (Cambridge, 1992), 53-4.
67. Pierre Rebuffi, In privilegia et immunitates universitatuum [...] commentationes enucleatissimae (Antwerp, 1583).
68. Laetitia Boehm, "Libertas scholastica und Negotium scholare: Entstehung und Sozialprestige des akademischen Standes im Mittelalter", in Universität und Gelehrtenstand, 1400-1800, ed. H. Rösslerund G. Franz (Limburgan der Lahn, 1970), 15-61; and above, note 8.
69. Compare, for example Abraham de La Framboisière, Oeuvres (Lyon, 1669), 395, who, writing around 1620, declares his admiration for doctors who "usent d'une fiberté philosophique, refutans hardiment l'opinion de leurs devanciers, quand ils s'eloignent de la verité", and that of Joseph Priestley who declares in that "one principal reason why I reject the doctrine of philosophical liberty, is that exactly in the degree in which we suppose the mind not to be determined by motives, in that very degree do rewards and punishments lose their effect, and a man ceases to be a proper subject of moral discipline"
70. (A Free Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism and Philosophical Necessity in a Correspondence between Dr. Price and Dr. Priestley (London, 1778), xxi).
71. J. M. M. H. Thijssen, Censure and Heresy at the University of Paris, 1200-1400 (Philadelphia, 1998).
72. Olaf Pluta, "Ewigkeit der Welt, Sterblichkeit der Seele, Diesseitigkeit des Glücks: Elemente einer materialistischen Philosophic bei Johannes Buridan", in Historia philosophiae medii aevi, ed. Burkhard Mojsisch and Olaf Pluta (Amsterdam, 1991), 847-72
73. Friedrich Niewöhner and Olaf Pluta, Atheismus im Mittelalter und in der Renaissance (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999).
74. See also R. B. Sutton, "The Phrase 'libertas philosophandi'", Journal of the History of Ideas, 14 (1953), 310-16.
75. M. A. Stewart, "'Libertas philosophandi': From Natural to Speculative Philosophy", Australian Journal of Politics and History, 40 (1994), 29-46.
76. Peters, "Libertas inquirendi"; Mary Martin McLaughlin, Intellectual Freedom and its Limitations in the University of Paris in Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New York, 1977), 19-20, 65, 182, 193-221.
77. J. F. Wippel, "The Condemnations of 1270 and 1277 at Paris", Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 7 (1977), 169-201.
78. C. H. Lohr, "The Medieval Interpretation of Aristotle", in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge, 1982), 88-92.
79. Luca Bianchi, Censure et liberte intellectuelle a I'Université de Paris (XIIIe-XTVe sieclès) (Paris, 1999).
80. Zenon Kalusa, Les querelles doctrinales à Paris: nominalistes et réalistes aux confins du XTVe et du XVe siècles (Bergamo, 1988).
81. id., "Le De universali reali de Jean de Maisonneuve et les epicurei litterales", Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophic et Theologie, 35 (1986), 465-516.
82. Bruno Nardi, "La dottrina d'Alberto Magno sull'Inchoatio formae", in his Studi di filosofia medievale (Rome, 1960), 108-50.
83. Albertus Magnus, De generatione et corruptione, 1.1.22 ad t.c.14: "dico quod nihil ad me de Dei miraculis cum ego de naturalibus disserram."
84. See also James A. Weisheipl, (ed.), Albertus Magnus and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays (Toronto, 1980).
85. on endoxical probability, see Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 128-32, 181.
86. "Notandum quod Albertus Magnus determinavit plura contra fidem; tamen, inquit, dixi sic, quia phisica non sunt commiscenda cum theologia, quia theologia aliter sentit quam philosophia. Ideo fratres diabulini sancti Dominici deberent comburere Albertum [...] tamen faciunt Albertum sanctum": quoted by Bruno Nardi, Studi su Pietro Pomponazzi (Florence, 1965), 27n.
87. Giambattista da Monte, In nonum librum Rhasis ad Mansorem Regem Arabum expositio (Venice, 1554), 31: "In qua quidem generatione aliter respondent theologi, aliter philosophi, aliter medici. Ego brevissime de hac questione aliqua dicam, sed quaecunque dicam, dicam ut peripateticus, et ut medicus. Nam quando theologice de ea loqui voluero, totum forte oppositum dicam. Nihil autem existimo deterius in philosophia posse contingere quam cum ea theologiam commiscere"
88. cited (with other texts) by Nancy G. Siraisi, Avicenna in Renaissance Italy (Princeton, 1987), 248.
89. and Ian Maclean, "Naturalisme et croyance personnels dans le discours médical à la fin de la Renaissance", Journal of the Institute of Romance Studies, 6 (1998), 185.
90. See also da Monte, In nonum librum Rhasis expositio, 59-60: "Hic, si me rogeris, quid determinandum sit, possum dupliciter respondere secundum duplicem formam, quam possum induere. Si velim esse philosophus, et in principiis philosophiae consistere, non in fide nostra, non possum non Hippocrati et Galeno assentire. At si formam Theologicam volumus induere, quod certe debemus facere, dicendum est Arabum opinionem esse veram. Sed hoc, ut est re ipsa verum, ita sine demonstratione credi debet. Nihil enim peius est, quam quaerere demonstrationes in iis, quae fide tendenda sunt. Quia agendae potius gratiae Deo, qui intellectum nostrum illuminavit, ut ea sciret, quae nullo medio naturali percipi possunt, et rogemus Dominum, ut augeat credulitatem in nobis. Et certe in hoc Scotus se optime gessit, qui cum tenuisset animam in via naturali et Peripatetica mortalem esse in 4 lib Sententiarum, quaestione 41 vel 43, postea conversus ad Dominum, egit illi gratias, quod id cognovisset, illuminatione divina esse verissimum, quod naturaliter falsum videbatur. Sed quia nunc in scholis profitemur nos esse philosophos et medicos, ex principiis philosophiae defendimus opinionem Galeni et Hippocratis, quia nihil deterius est arbitror, quam miscere philosophiam theologiae."
91. Cited by Siraisi, Avicenna, 291-2.
92. see also Duns Scotus, Quaestiones in quatuor libros Sententiarum, xliii.2.
93. For a brief account of this issue, see Ian Maclean, "White Crows, Graying Hair, and Eyelashes: Problems for Natural Historians in the Reception of Aristotelian Logic and Biology from Pomponazzi to Bacon", in Historia: Empiricism and Erudition in Early Modern Europe, ed. Gianna Pomata and Nancy G. Siraisi (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 2005), 147-79.
94. Among the many sources of this apophthegm, see Cicero, Academica, 1.4.16.
95. Alcinous, De doctrina Platonis liber, trans. Marsilio Ficino (Paris, 1533), 8.
96. See Robert S. Westman, "The Melanchthon Circle, Rheticus, and the Wittenberg Interpretation of the Copernican Theory", Isis, 66 (1975), 164-93.
97. Galileo, Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo tolemaico e copernicano, ed. Ottavio Besomi and Mario Helbing (Padua, 1998), 2.790.
98. "dedit natura homini sensus in corpore, in animo verum acumen, quo cernat, speculetur, intelligat, appraehendat. Turn iudicium, quo sparsa et dissipata velut indagine quadam colligat, ad nanciscendum verum: quod cum se putat assecutum, acquiescit ei, quod verum iudicat, contrarium reiicit: quae sunt assensio et dissensio. Hinc adiuvatur experimentis ac usu rerum, intentione animi, studio, sedulitate, memoria, exercitatione: quae quando sua cuique non sufficiunt, accedunt aliena per doctrinam homini ab homine traditam. Haec sunt cunctis mortalibus in commune proposita, quae quoniam nos naturae beneficio habemus, idcirco naturale lumen nuncupamus: et quae per haec assequimur, naturae lumine dicimur assequuti": De tradendis disciplinis, 5,2, quoted in Sanches, That Nothing is Known, ed. Limbrick and Thomson, 32.
99. On "natural light" in other contexts, see Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature, 199-200.
100. Charles B. Schmitt, Cicero scepticus: A Study of the Influence of the Academica in the Renaissance (The Hague, 1972), 160-3.
101. Donald Kelly, "Eclecticism and the History of Ideas", Journal of the History of Ideas, 62 (2001), 577-92.
102. esp. 581-2, citing Animadversiones aristotelicae (Paris, 1543), 30r.
103. Cattani da Diacetto, Opera omnia (Basle, 1563), *4r: "libere et elegante philosophari"
104. see also Carlos Gilly, "Zwischen Erfahrung und Spekulation: Theodor Zwinger und die religiöse und kulturelle Krise seiner Zeit", Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 79 (1979), 125ff. The preface contains a clear indication of how free philosophising, dialogical presentation, the reconciliation of ancient philosophies (notably Plato and Aristotle) and perennial philosophy were related to each other in the mind of the Renaissance.
105. Hucher, Oratio, p. 150: "veterem platonicae Academiae disputandi, scribendi et sentiendi libertatem, quodcunque cum iudicio et veritate coniunctam videatur, hodierno vestro beneficio sibi restituatis" (he is addressing the deans of the medical faculty).
106. Alsted, Encyclopaedia (Herborn, 1630), 1.95 (4.3.8): "Hinc libertas philosophica dicitur Socratica [...] Alias dicitur libertas Academica [...] a vere Academicis, sive Platonicis, qui [...] libere philosophabantur". I am grateful to Noel Malcolm for this reference.
107. Sylvia Murr, "Foi religieuse et «libertas philosophandi» chez Gassendi", Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Théologiques, 76 (1992), 85-100.
108. Donald Kelly, "Eclecticism".
109. Alfonso Ingegno, "The New Philosophy of Nature", in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. Charles B. Schmitt and Quentin Skinner (Cambridge, 1988), 236-63.
110. Edward P. Mahoney, "Nicoletto Vernia and Agostino Nifo on Alexander of Aphrodisias: An Unnoticed Dispute", Rivista critica di storia delta filosofia, 23 (1968), 270-1.
111. Eckhard Kessler, "The Intellective Soul", in The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, ed. Schmitt and Skinner, 492-3.
112. Heinrich Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum, definitionum et declarationum de rebus fidei et morum, ed. Adolf Schönmetzer, (Barcinone, 1976), 353-4 (no. 738); also ibid., 284 (no. 481).
113. Cited by Stefano Perfetti, "Docebo vos dubitare. II commento inedito di Pietro Pomponazzi al De partibus animalium (Bologna 1521-1524)" Documenti e studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale, 10 (1999): 446, 460, 459: "istud capitulum nunquam intellexi, nec intelligo. Nescio an in futurum intelligam. Sed ideo lego ut vobis viam aperiam"; "tantum proposui habere sermonem vobiscum, ac si essem vester condiscipulus"; "docebo tantum vos dubitare."
114. See Pine, Pomponazzi, 124-235.
115. Henri de Guerlac, "Amicus Plato and other Friends", journal of the History of Ideas, 39 (1978), 627-33.
116. Leonardo Taran, "Amicus Plato sed magis arnica Veritas: From Plato and Aristotle to Cervantes", Antike und Abendland, 30 (1984), 93-124.
117. Maclean, Logic, .Signs and Nature, 191ff.
118. also on Horace, Epistulae, i.1.14: "nullius addictus in verba magistri iurare".
119. Schmitt, Cicero scepticus, 160-3.
120. Taurellus, Alpes caesae, hoc est, Andreae Caesalpini Itali, monstrosa et superba dogmata, discussa et excussa (Frankfurt, 1597), *4v: "si vero magnum tueri licet Aristotelfem], nequaquam tamen haec nobis est iudicii libertas detrahenda. Libere philosophari, quid mali est? Dicat quisque quod volet: ipsa tamen vere ponderatis, probatisque rationibus tandem vincet Veritas. Sed hac de re alius, et apud alios. Ne vero de meis laboribus iustis liberals sentire videar."
121. Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, ed. Michael Kiernan, (Oxford, 2002), 28 (on the "libertie of examination" of Aristotle's texts, and the need to "discouer truth"): "and therfore although the position be good: Oportet discentem credere: yet it must be coupled with this, Oportet edoctum iudicare; for Disciples doe owe Maisters only a temporarie belief and a suspension of their owne iudgement, till they be fully instructed, and not an absolute resignation, or perpetuall captivitie"
122. Pierre Charron, De la sagesse (Paris, 1630), 22: "sauf en matiere de religion, ou la seule authorité vaut sans raison: c'est la son vray empire, comme par tout ailleurs la raison sans elle, comme a tres-bien recogneu S. Augustin": see also 321-50 (on "liberté de iugement"); and 12 (where "liberté d'esprit" is described as "nette et genereuse", in a manner recalling Alcinous).
123. On Aggiunti, see Galileo, Dialogo, 2.1005; on Galileo, Kepler, and Campanella.
124. see Stewart, "Libertas philosophandi"
125. Jacobus Martini, Exercitationum metaphysicarum libri duo (Leipzig, 1608), a5r: "in hoc enim consistit vera libertas Philosophica, ut sit amicus Plato amicus Aristotelis, amicus omnis humana authoritas, sed magis anima Veritas [....] quocirca non scripta Aristotelis nobis sit regula verae Philosophiae, sed ipsa natura, ut a DEO, conditore suis creata et formata est. Ideoque Aristotelici non Aristoteli credimus, quia Aristotelis dixit: sed quia, quod Aristoteles dixit, dicit ipsa Natura, in quam illud dicendo ipse Deus impressit."
126. See Lorraine Daston, "Curiosity in Early Modern Science", Word and Image, 11 (1995), 391-404.
127. On Gassendi, see Murr, "Foi religieuse".
128. Lisa T. Sarasohn, "Epicureanism and the Creation of a Privatist Ethic in Seventeenth-Century France", in Atoms, Pneuma and Tranquillity: Epicurean and Stoic Themes in European thought, ed. Margaret J. Osier (Cambridge, 1991),175-95.
129. ead., Gassendi's Ethics (Ithaca, 1996), esp. 68, 128-36.
130. Descartes, Discours de la Méthode, ed. Charles Adam and Paul Tannery (Paris, 1996), 4.27: "car Dieu nous ayant donné a chascun quelque lumiere pour discerner le vray d'auec le faux, ie n'eusse pas creu me deuoir contenter des opinions d'autruy vn seul moment, si ie ne me fusse proposé d'employer mon propre iugement a les examiner, lorsqu'il seroit tems"
131. Michel de Pure, La Pretieuse, ed. Emile Magne (Paris, 1938-9), 2. 38, 314.
132. On Harriot and Kepler, see Ian Maclean, "Harriot on Combinations", Revue d'histoire des mathémathiques, xi (2005), 57-78.
133. on Herbert of Cherbury, and Nathaneal Carpenter, Philosophia libera (Frankfurt, 1621), see Stewart, "Libertas philosophandi".
134. See Markus Friedrich, Die Grenzen der Vernunft: Theologie, Philosophic und gehhrte Konflikte am Beispiel des Helmstedter Hofmannstreits und seiner Wirkungen auf das Luthertum um 1600 (Göttingen, 2004).
135. Ross William Collins, Calvin and the Libertines of Geneva, ed. F. D. Blackley (Toronto and Vancouver, 1968).
136. on the Jesuits, see Ladislaus Lukács, Monumenta paedagogica Societatis Jesu, 2 (1557-72) (Rome, 1974), 477-9, 671.
137. Lukács, Monumenta, 3 (Rome, 1974), 38, 78, 382-5, 414-5.
138. Rikvah Feldhay, Galileo and the Church (Cambridge, 1995), 133-45, who points out that there are not very many of areas of "libertas docendi", but they include scholastic "probabiles opiniones"
139. Marcus Hellyer, ""Because the authority of my superiors commands": censorship, physics and the German Jesuits", Early Science and Medecine, 1 (1996), 319-54.
140. Paradoxa de vento, acre, aqua et igni (Antwerp, 1542), C7v.
141. See George Haven Putnam, The Censorship of the Church of Pome [...], 2 vols. (New York and London, 1906-7).
142. Denzinger, Enchiridion, 424; for a comprehensive bibliography of proponents and adversaries of astrology at this time.
143. see Martin Lipenius, Bibliotheca realis medica (Frankfurt, 1679), 58ff.
144. J. M. de Bujanda et al. (1994), Index des livres interdits, 9: Index de Rome 1590, 1593, 1596. Avec étude des index de Parme 1580 et Munich 1582 (Quebec, 1994).
145. In Andreas Osiander's preface to Copernicus, most recently discussed by Anthony Corones, "Copernicus, Printing and the Politics of Knowledge", in 1543 and All That: Image and Word, Change and Ccontinuity in the Proto-Scientific Revolution, ed. Guy Freeland and Anthony Corones (Dordrecht, Boston, London, 2000), 280-4.
146. John S. Spink, French Free Thought from Gassendi to Voltaire (London, 1960), 89-90. For subsequent use of the theme of philosophical liberty.
147. see Jim Bennett, "The Mechanics' Philosophy and the Mechanical Philosophy", History of Science, 24 (1986), 8-9, 21. (quoting W. Watt and Christopher Wren).
148. Robert Boyle, "Of the Study of the Book of Nature", in Works, 13 (citing Campanella, Sennert and Gassendi).
149. Stewart, "Libertas philosophandi".
150. Vincenzo Ferrone, "Galileo, Newton e la libertas philosophandi nellà prima metà del XVIII secolo in Italia", Rivista storica italiana, 93 (1981), 143-85. The subtitle of Spinoza's Tractatus theologicopoliticus of 1672 reads: continens dissertationes aliquot, quibus ostenditur libertatem philosophandi non tantum salva pietate, et reipublicae pace posse concedi: sed eandem nisi cum pace reipublicae, ipsaque pietate tolli non posse.
151. On these factors, see (among many other writings) Maclean, Logic, Signs and Nature.
152. Alexandre Koyré, Etudes galileennes (Paris, 1939).
153. Peter Harrison, The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science (Cambridge, 1998).