Gender, vice, and the political imaginary in postrevolutionary france: reinterpreting the failure of the july monarchy, 1830-1848

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 5, 1999, Pages 1461-1495

  Burr Margadant, J O ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 37849187567     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2649346     Document Type: Article

References (158)

1. Of the large literature on this subject, the works most important in shaping my own reflections on France are Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, Calif., 1992);
2. Sarah Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Causes Célèbres of Prerevolutionary France (Berkeley, 1993), esp. 167-211;
3. Lynn Hunt, "Pornography and the French Revolution," in Hunt, ed., The Invention of Pornography: Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500-1800 (New York, 1993), 301-40;
4. Sarah Maza, "The Diamond Necklace Affair Revisited (1785-1786): The Case of the Missing Queen," and Lynn Hunt, "The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette: Political Pornography and the Problem of the Feminine in the French Revolution," in Eroticism and the Body Politic, Hunt, ed. (Baltimore, Md., 1991), 63-89, 108-30;
5. Jacques Revel, "Marie-Antoinette in Her Fictions: The Staging of Hatred," in. Fictions of the French Revolution, Bernadette Fort, ed. (Evanston, 111., 1991);
6. and Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, N.Y., 1988). On the British monarchy, see especially Margaret Homans, Royal Representations: Queen Victoria and British Culture, 1837-1876 (Chicago, 1998);
7. Richard Williams, The Contentions Crown: Public Discussion of the British Monarchy in the Reign of Queen Victoria (Aldershot, 1997), esp. 197-265;
8. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992), 195-282;
9. Thomas Laqueur, "The Queen Caroline Affair: Politics as Art in the Reign of George IV," Journal of Modern History 54 (September 1982): 417-66;
10. Dror Wahrman, " 'Middle-Class' Domesticity Goes Public: Gender, Class and Politics from Queen Caroline to Queen Victoria," Journal of British Studies 32 (1993): 308-39;
11. and Rachel Weil, "Sometimes a Scepter Is Only a Scepter: Pornography and Politics in Restoration England," in Hunt, Eroticism and the Body Politic, 63-89.
12. The theoretical literature distinguishing public and private spheres is voluminous. For a succinct summary of the varied theoretical approaches to these terms, see Jeff Weintraub, "The Theory and Politics of the Public/Private Distinction," Public and Private in Thought and Practice: Perspectives on a Grand Dichotomy, Weintraub and Krishan Kumar, eds. (Chicago, 1997), 1-42.
13. The key theoretical work remains Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Thomas Burger, trans. (Cambridge, Mass., 1989). Feminist scholarship has been particularly interested in how public and private spheres connect in theory and practice. See, for example, Joan B. Landes, ed., Feminism, the Public and the Private (New York, 1998);
14. Linda K. Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 (June 1988): 9-39;
15. Leonore Davidoff, "Regarding Some 'Old Husbands' Tales': Public and Private in Feminist History," in Davidoff, Worlds Between: Historical Perspectives on Gender and Class (Oxford, 1995), 227-76;
16. Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994), 90-135, 233-80;
17. Caroleii'ateman, "Feminist Critiques of the Public/Private Dichotomy," in Public and Private in Social Life, S. I. Benn and G. F. Gaus, eds. (London, 1983), 281-306;
18. and especially the seminal article by Joan Wallach Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," AHR 91 (December 1986), rpt. in Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), 28-52.
19. For their relevance to the issues raised by this analysis, see especially Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs, 1-17;
20. Dena Goodman, "Public Sphere and Private Life: Toward a Synthesis of Current Historiographical Approaches to the Old Regime," History and Theory 31, no. 1 (1992): 1-20;
21. and Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, Lydia G. Cochrane, trans. (Durham, N.C., 1991), 111-35, 169-98.
22. Clarence E. Walker, "Denial Is Not a River in Egypt: Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson," in History, Memory, and Civic Culture, Peter Onuf and Jan Lewis, eds. (Charlottesville, Va., forthcoming).
23. Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, Calif, 1995), esp. 233-47.
24. For the symbolic politics of the regime, see Michael Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe: Art and Ideology in Orléanist France, 1830-1848 (New Haven, Conn., 1988);
25. Marrinan, "Historical Vision and the Writing of History at Louis-Philippe's Versailles," in The Popularization of Images: Visual Culture under the July Monarchy, Petra ten-Doesschate Chu and Gabriel P. Weisberg, eds. (Princeton, N.J., 1994), 113-43;
26. Thomas W. Gaehtgens, "Le Musée historique de Versailles," and Hélène Himelfarb, "Versailles, fonctions et légendes," in Les lieux de mémoire, vol. 2, La nation, Pierre Nora, ed. (Paris, 1984), 143-68, 235-92. For the significance of the political ideas of François Guizot and other doctrinaires who defended the July Monarchy, see Pierre Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot (Paris, 1985).
27. David H. Pinkney, Decisive Years in France, 1840-1847 (Princeton, N.J., 1986).
28. Pierre Rosanvallon, La monarchie impossible: Les chartes de 1814 et de 1830 (Paris, 1994), 149-81.
29. Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot, 320-21.
30. Gordon Wright, France in Modem Times, 4th edn. (New York, 1981), 127-28.
31. Charles Ledré, La presse àl'assaut de la monarchie 1815-1848 (Paris, 1960);
32. James Bash Cuno, "Charles Philipon and La Maison. Aubert: The Business, Politics, and Public of Caricature in Paris, 1820-1840" (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1985);
33. Elise K. Kenney and John M. Merriman, The Pear: French Graphie Arts in the Golden Age of Caricature (South Hadley, Mass., 1991);
34. Sandy Petrey, "Pears in History," Representations 48 (Summer 1991): 52-80.
35. For satirical images generally during the July Monarchy, see Chu and Weisberg, Popularization of Images; and Robert Justin Goldstein, Censorship of Political Caricature in Nineteenth-Century France (Kent, Ohio, 1989), 119-68. For a general study of political caricatures in nineteenth-century France, see Judith Wechsler, A Human Comedy: Physiognomy and Caricature in 19th Century Paris (London, 1982).
36. Sarah Hanley, "The Monarchic State in Early Modern France: Marital Regime Government and Male Right," in Politics, Ideology and the Law in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of J. H. M. Salmon, Adrianna E. Bakos, ed. (Rochester, N.Y., 1994), 107-26;
37. and Hanley, "Social Sites of Political Practice in France: Lawsuits, Civil Rights, and the Separation of Powers in Domestic and State Government, 1500-1800," AHR 102 (February 1997): 27-52;
38. Hunt, Family Romance of the French Revolution, 1-16.
39. Robert A. Nye, Masculinity and Maie Codes of Honor in Modem France (New York, 1993);
40. William M. Reddy, The Invisible Code: Honor and Sentiment in Postrevolutionary France, 1814-1848 (Berkeley, Calif., 1997).
41. For descriptions of most of the illustrations examined for this study, see the catalogues for three collections of prints in the Salle des Estampes of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (hereafter, BNF): Collection de Vinck, Inventaire analytique, vol. 5,
42. La révolution de 1830 et la Monarchie de Juillet, and vol. 6, La révolution de 1848 et la deuxième république (Paris, 1955);
43. Georges Duplessis, Catalogue de la collection des portraits français et étrangers, vol. 6, Lafayette-Louis-Philippe (Paris, 1907);
44. Michel Hennin and Georges Duplessis, Inventaire de la collection d'estampes relatives àl'histoire de France, léguée en 1863 àla Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris, 1882). I also consulted directly all the satirical periodicals with caricatures published during the July Monarchy: La caricature (1830-1835) (republican); Le charivari (1830-1837) (republican);
45. Mayeiix and Le véritable Mflyef(1831-1832) (republican); La charge ou les folies contemporaines (1832-1834) (favorable to the regime). Other opposition journals consulted: Cancans (Legitimist), La mode (Legitimist), Le national (republican), and La réforme (republican and socialist).
46. This aspect of the analysis advances into the nineteenth century important questions already raised by several historians of the Old Regime and French Revolution about the relationship between the state, women, and the family. In addition to works cited by Sarah Hanley and Lynn Hunt, see Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution;
47. Sylvana Tomaselli, "The Enlightenment Debate on Women," History Workshop, no. 20 (1985): 101-24;
48. Jean H. Bloch, "Women and the Reform of the Nation," in Women and Society in Eighteenth-Century France: Essays in Honour of John Stephenson Spink, Eva Jacobs, et al., eds. (London, 1979), 3-18. For the period after 1800, see
49. Geneviève Fraisse, Muse de la raison: La démocratie exclusive et la différence des sexes (Aix-en-Provence, 1995);
50. Michèle Riot-Sarcey, La démocratie àl'épreuve des femmes: Trois figures critiques du pouvoir 1830-1848 (Paris, 1994);
51. Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, Mass., 1996).
52. The private archives of the royal family relevant to this study are held in the Archives Nationales under the Archives de France, 300 AP I, III-IV (hereafter, AF, AN). I wish to thank the comte de Paris for permission to consult these archives. See also Anne Martin-Fugier, La vie quotidienne de Louis-Philippe et de sa famille 1830-1848 (Paris, 1992).
53. I will be using the terms "bourgeois" and "elite" interchangeably HI this article, although I have taken seriously William Reddy's admonition regarding the imprecision of "bourgeois" and never use the term with a transitive verb. See William M. Reddy, "The Concept of Class," in Social Orders and Social Classes in Europe since 1500: Studies in Social Stratification, M. L. Bush, ed. (London, 1992), 13-25. In The Invisible Code, Reddy uses "elite" for the culture he is describing; Nye uses bourgeois.
54. Nye maintains that this meritocratic honor code originated in bourgeois families in the Old Regime. For a different interpretation, see Jonathan Dewald, Aristocratic Experience and the Origins of Modern Culture: France, 1570-1715 (Berkeley, Calif., 1993).
55. Nye traces the origin of this polarity to the influence on bourgeois families in need of healthy sons of a biological science that imagined fathers to be the sole progenitors of their offspring and virility dependent on certain visible traits of the male body.
56. Ready, Invisible Code, 114-227. Reddy explains the persistence of this system of patronage as the consequence of the continued importance of family property.
57. François Furet, Revolutionary France, 1770-1880, Antonia Nevill, trans. (Oxford, 1992), 327.
58. Rosanvallon, La monarchie impossible, 105-35.
59. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à1860: Recueil complet des débats législatifs et politiques des chambres françaises, M. J. Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., 70, séries 2 (1800-1860) (Paris). Session September 10, 1831, 321-29, and Session October 5, 1831, 370-76. v
60. Hanley, "Monarchic State in Early Modem France"; and Hunt, Family Romance of the French Revolution, 17-88.
61. Hanley, "Monarchic State in Early Modern France." See also Jo Burr Margadant, "The Duchesse de Berry and Royalist Political Culture in Postrevolutionary France," History Workshop, no. 43 (Spring 1997): 23-52.
62. For a similar argument based on a comparison of the maternal roles of the duchesse de Berry under the Restoration Monarchy and Hélène de Mecklenburg under the July Monarchy, see Jo Burr Margadant, " 'La Monarchie impossible' revisitée: Les mères royales et l'imaginaire politique dans la Restauration et la Monarchie de Juillet," in Pour la Révolution française, Festschrift for Claude Mazauric, Christine Le Bozec and Eric Wauters, eds. (Rouen, 1998), 411-20.
63. Lithograph by Lemonier, "Le Roi Citoyen et sa famille," Collection Portraits, Louis-Philippe, 80C 101283, Estampes, BNP. For an informal, anonymous popular print of the family in the garden of their chateau at Neuilly entitled "Roi Citoyen avec toute sa famille," see Collection Portraits, LouisPhilippe, 70C 41669, Estampes, BNP.
64. Martin-Fugier, La vie quotidienne de Louis-Philippe et de sa famille, 25-42, 137-72, 201-26.
65. Mathilde Larrère, "Ainsi paradait le roi des barricades: Les grandes revues royales de la garde nationale de Paris et de banlieue 1830-1840" (Mémoire de maîtrise, directed by Alain Corbin, University of Paris I, 1993). For a summary of the argument of the thesis, see Larrère, "Ainsi paradait le roi des barricades: Les grandes revues royales de la garde nationale, àParis, sous la Monarchie de Juillet," Mouvement social 179 (1997): 9-31. For a visual image, see the painting by Joseph-Desire Court, "Le roi donne les drapeaux àla Garde Nationale de Paris et de la banlieue, 29 août 1830" (The King Distributing Battalion Standards to the National Guard, August 29, 1830), which appeared in the Salon of 1836, ironically the same year this street ceremony would end for fear of assassination.
66. In the days immediately following the revolution, Marie-Amélie and the royal princesses made several well-publicized hospital visits to men wounded in the fighting. Le moniteur universel reported regularly on the queen's charitable outings in this period. Printmakers reproduced such bedside scenes in several lithographs and engravings sold in Paris. At the Salon of 1833, Nicolas Gosse exhibited a major painting of one such visit. "S. M. la Reine des Français visitant les blessés de Juillet àla Ambulance de la Bourse (25 août 1830)." An engraving of this painting was made by Nargeot. Collection de Vinck, A 135556, Estampes, BNF.
67. Janis Bergman-Carton also noted the presence of women in early images of the regime and their later disappearance, The Woman of Ideas in French Art, 1830-1848 (New Haven, Conn., 1995).
68. See, for example, the lithograph by Lemercier, "Souvenirs patriotiques" (Patriotic Memories), Collection Histoire de France, Qbl M 111106, Estampes, BNF.
69. Bergman-Carton, Woman of Ideas in French Art, 21. The incident was reported in Le national on August 2,1830, as follows: "In the street St. Honoré
70. on the 27th, a woman between thirty and thirty-five years of age was shot dead by a bullet through her forehead. A baker's assistant... of colossal size and Herculean strength, immediately seized the corpse and holding it over his head, took it to the Place des Victoires, crying: 'VengeanceL'... Then, picking up the corpse again, he carried it towards the military guard [garde de corps] for the Banque ... He threw the bloody corpse at them crying: 'Look, that's how your comrades treat our womenl... Would you do the same?'" This text was reprinted in a widely distributed account of the revolution, Une semaine de l'histoire de Paris. See the lithograph by Michel Delaporte, "Scène du 27 juillet-première victime, 1830" (First Victim, Scene from the 27th of July, 1830), Collection de Vinck, A 12981, and the anonymous lithograph that appeared as the first of twelve plates commemorating the July Revolution in the Album national (August-September 1830), for which the caption reads: "It's a womanlall right thenllet's carry this bleeding corpse as a sign for the eyes of all Paris to see." Collection de Vinck, Qbl A 12980, Estampes, BNF.
71. Ferdinand-Philippe-D'Orléans, Duc d'Orléans, Souvenirs 1820-1830 (Geneva, 1993), figure 8.
72. Catherine Duprat, "Des femmes sur les barricades de juillet 1830: Histoire d'un imaginaire social," La barricade, Colloquium, University of Paris, 1995 (Paris, 1997). I wish to thank Professor Duprat for allowing me to see this article before its publication. See also Marica Pointon, "Liberty on the Barricades: Women, Politics and Sexuality in Delacroix," in Siân Reynolds, ed.', Women, State and
73. Revolution: Essays on Power and Gender in Europe since 1789 (Sussex, 1986), 25-43. For other important work on women in revolutions in France from 1789 to 1848, see Dorinda Outram, The Body and the French Revolution: Sex, Class and Political Culture (New Haven, Conn., 1989);
74. Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson, eds., Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1780-1795: Selected Documents (Urbana, III., 1979);
75. Madelyn Gutwirth, The Twilight of the Goddesses: Women and Representation in the French Revolutionary Era (New Brunswick, N.J., 1992), 115-16;
76. Dominique Godineau, The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution, Katherine Streip, trans. (Berkeley, Calif., 1998);
77. David Barry, Women and Political Insurgency: France in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York, 1996);
78. Laura Struminger, "Les Vésuviennes: Images of Women Warriors in 1848 and Their Significance for French History," Journal of the History of European Ideas 8 (1987): 451-88;
79. Jann Matlock, Scenes of Seduction: Prostitution, Hysteria, and Reading Difference in Nineteenth-Century France (New York, 1994).
80. See, for example, the lithograph by Charles-Joseph Traviès, "Tout avouer que le gouvernement a une bien drôle de tête" (Everybody Agrees the Government Has a Funny Head), La caricature, no. 60 (December 22, 1831), which includes two prominent bonnets amidst the crowd of men who have gathered to examine political caricatures hanging in the window of Aubert's printing house.
81. Political artists dispensed almost entirely with an earlier practice, used massively against the Bourbons in 1830, of drawing political enemies as animals whose characters they supposedly resembled. Far more frequently after 1830, a man's relationship to women became a shorthand expression of his character and authority. Some of the interpretations of specific caricatures that I offer below repeat observations already made by Cuno, "Charles Philipon and La Maison Aubert"; Kenney and Merriman, The Pear; and Petrey, "Pears in History."
82. Amy Wiese Forbes argues that Charles Philipon and his team of caricaturists for Le charivari and La caricature moved only gradually from a critique of the regime to fully republican convictions in the early 1830s. "The Satiric Decade: Satire and the Development of Republicanism in France, 1830-1840" (PhD dissertation, Rutgers University, 1999), chap. 1.
83. Design by Grandville (J.-I.-I. Gérard) and Bernard-Romain Julien, lithograph by Becquet, "Barbe bleue, blanche et rouge" (Blue, White and Red Beard), La caricature, no. 127, plate 263 (April 11, 1833). The commentary explained: " 'It's Louis-Philippe about to slaughter Constitution ...' The Press leans out of her tower holding two republican papers, La tribune and Le national. Constitution calls to her: 'Press, my sister, don't you see anyone coming?'-'I see two knights riding at a gallop carrying a banner; it's the banner of the Republic.' "
84. Artist unknown, lithograph by Bccquet, "Le nouveau Josué" (The New Joshua), Le charivari, no. 323 (October 20, 1833). Note that the miniaturized king atop the Tuileries Palace stands poised on tiptoe like a child. The commentary reads: "le Système [code for Louis-Philippe], his lance raised, has pulled himself up to the roof of the Tuileries, where, on the tips of his toes, he is trying to pierce the sun [the Republic] as it passes. He won't be successful because the 'sun' will overwhelm him and the monarchs of the Holy Alliance [Russia, Austria, Prussia]."
85. The interpretation presented here for the softened umbrella does not exclude other meanings for an object whose polysémie possibilities made it a favorite icon for caricaturists and equal to the pear as an evocation of Louis-Philippe.
86. According to J. B. Cuno, the pear as a sign carried several possible interpretations. A pear-shaped head on the king portrayed him as a "fat-head"; depicted with a pear-shapedtiody, the king became a "fat-ass." When a pear replaced the king entirely, it carried sexual connotations in the same way that an apple might imply the sexuality of a woman. Thus a pear, drawn with the softened outline of an over-ripe fruit, ridiculed the potency of Louis-Philippe on several levels. Cuno, "Charles Philipon and La Maison Aubert," 193-258.
87. Design by Grandville and Eugène Forest, lithograph by Becquet, "Les faux dieux de l'Olympe" (The False Gods of Olympus), La caricature, no. 98, plates 200-01 (September 20, 1832). A long commentary for this illustration mocks all the members of the government, its repression of the opposition, and its weak foreign policy. Louis-Philippe believed that the survival of a constitutional monarchy in France as well as its prosperity required a peaceful foreign policy in Europe, a view his critics readily interpreted as a failure of character or worse.
88. Artist unknown, lithograph by Becquet, "Un pauvre père de famille qui n'a que quelques millions de revenus" (A Poor Father of a Family Who Has an Income of Only a Few Millions), Le charivari, no. 344 (November 10, 1833), série politique 129. Although the commentaryereports that the king's "family" are members of the government, readers would have understood that this image, in fact, referred to the king's own family.
89. Design by Auguste Bouquet, lithograph by Becquet, "La poire et ses pépins" (The Pear and Its Seeds), La caricature, no. 139, plate 289 (July 4, 1833).
90. The first caricature presenting Marie-Amélie, the king's sister Adélaïde, and the duc d'Orléans as pears appeared as a lithograph by Grandville and Forest, "La physiologie de la poire" (The Physiology of the Pear), in La caricature, no. 106 (November 15, 1832), plate 219. Shortly thereafter, the same caricature was reproduced as the cover piece for a satirical essay by Louis Benoît (pseudonym, Pcytel) under the same title (Paris, 1832). The subject of the caricature was a mock court reception.
91. Alfred Colling, Louis-Philippe, homme d'argent (Paris, 1977).
92. For the final unsuccessful effort to get a dotation for the duc de Nemours in 1844, see the dossier "Projet de Rapport au Roi sur le Projet de Loi de Dotation" in 300 AP III 34, AF, AN.
93. Louis de Cormenin, a republican deputy in the Chamber of Deputies, published several pamphlets in the form of letters between 1831 and 1844 attacking the king and his family's purported avarice. Four of these letters concerned the civil list. Two pamphlets attacking the dotation of the duc de Nemours went to eighteen editions in 1844.
94. See the lithograph by Honoré Daumier, "Petits ... venez donc dindonsL" La caricature, no. 212 (November 27, 1834).
95. Louis-Henry Lecomte, Frédérick-Lemaître: Etude biographique (Paris, 1865), 37-43; Frederick Lemaître, Souvenirs publiés par son fils (Paris, 1880), 145-98;
96. Robert Baldick, The Life and Times of Frederick Lemaître (Fair Lawn, N.J., 1959), 129-44;
97. Marvin Carlson, "Minor Theatres and the End of Romanticism," in Carlson, The French Stage in the Nineteenth Century (Metuchen, N.J., 1972), 103-17. For a particularly rich and insightful discussion of this form of satire in Parisian popular and boulevard theaters, see Forbes, "Satiric Decade," chap. 2.
98. Ledré, La presse àl'assaut de la monarchie.
99. Ledré, La presse àl'assaut de la monarchie, 128-29.
100. Rcddy, Invisible Code, 194-95.
101. Design by C. J. Traviès, lithograph by Junca (Passage Saulnier, no. 6), "Personnification du Système le plus doux et le plus humain" (Personification of the Gentlest and Most Humane System [a code word in the paper's political lexicon for Louis-Philippe]), Le charivari, no. 198 (July 27,1835).
102. The subtitle reads: "Monarchical catacombs. A little record of the subjects of H.M. who have perished through the mistakes / of Public Security / drawn up from daily records, on the occasion of today's funeral anniversary of July 27." The annual celebration of the anniversary of the revolution of 1830 always began on July 27 with a day of commemoration for the men who died during the three-day revolution and whose remains were placed in 1840 under a commemorative column on the Place de la Bastille. The title of the caricature refers to a remark by the minister Adolphe Thiers: "Qu'on me cite un pouvoir plus doux et plus humaine."
103. See the lawyer's brief for the de Rohan family over thisdisputed fortune. Plaidoyer de M. Hennequin, avocat pour MM les princes de Rohan contre S. A. R. Mgr le duc d'Aumale et contre madame la Baronne de Feuchères (Paris, 1832).
104. A lithograph dating from 1832, "Le fossoyeur" (The Gravedigger), and inspired by this tale of family murders, depicts Louis-Philippe digging up the skulls of the three Bourbons, each clearly recognizable. The subtitle reads: "While digging the grave of his niece, he disturbs with indifference the bones of his family." Collection Histoire de France, 1832, Qbl M 112123, Estampes, BNP. For a summary of these fantastic imaginings by a Legitimist polemicist after 1848, see La vérité sur Louis-Philippe, ses crimes, ses trahisons, ses bassesses, depuis sa naissance jusqu'à sa fuite; Détails secrets, recueillis [sic] sur les pièces et manuscrits authentiques par un ancien ministre (Paris, 1848).
105. Honoré Daumier, Collection Histoire de France, July 1834, Qbl M 112444, Estampes, BNP.
106. Anonymous print, Collection Histoire de France, 1834, Qbl M 112445, Estampes, BNP.
107. Anne Martin-Fugier, La vie élégante ou la formation du Tout-Paris 1815-1848 (Paris, 1990), 215-74.
108. This point is obvious from the great many popular prints as well as all official paintings of official occasions and celebrations that comprise the print collection of the Salle des Estampes.
109. For the history of these annual military parades, see Larrère, "Ainsi paradait le roi des barricades."
110. e siècles, Corbin, et al., eds. (Paris, 1994), 77-116;
111. and Isabelle Franceschetti, "Le sang royal: Les tentatives de régicide contre Louis-Philippe, 1832-1846" (Mémoire de maîtrise, directed by Alain Corbin, University de Paris I, 1990).
112. For laudatory descriptions of the duc d'Orléans after his death, see Jules Janin, Le prince royal (Paris, 1842);
113. J. Arago and E. Gouin, Histoire du prince royal: Détails inédits sur sa vie et sur sa mort, puisés àdes sources authentiques (Paris, 1842);
114. V. Châtelain, Réflexions sur la ifrort de S. A. R. Mgr le duc d'Orléans;EugènsEn(faut,PortraitdeS.A. R. Mgr le duc d'Orléans (Geneva, 1842);
115. Montémont, Notice nécrologique sur S. A. R. Mgr le duc d'Orléans prince royal ... (Paris, 1843);
116. Germain Sarrut and Saint-Edmé, Biographie du Prince Royal Ferdinand-Philippe-Louis-Charles-Henri-Joseph de Bourbon, duc de Chartres et d'Orléans (Extrait de la Biographie des hommes du jour, Tome VI, 2e Partie), 2d edn. (Paris, 1843). For a recent biography, see Joëlle Hureau, L'espoir brisé: Le duc d'Orléans 1810-1842 (Paris, 1995).
117. Jules Janin, Fontainebleau, Versailles, Paris (juin 1837) (Paris, 1837).
118. Janin gives a vivid description of the successful ceremonies surrounding the marriage. For a reprint of an account in La presse of Hélène's warm reception in Paris, see Delphine Gay Girardin, Vicomte de Laiinay: Lettres parisiennes, vol. 1 (Paris, 1857), 141-45.
119. Emphasis added. The full statement went as follows: "Puisque tus femmes ne sont pas admises à exercer ... le pouvoir royal, elles ne doivent pas être appelées àl'exercer par délégation. La variété des exemples de notre histoire ne saurait prévaloir sur les principes constitutifs de la monarchie et les plus graves intérêts du pays. La sûreté de l'Etat, la nature de nos institutions, l'énergique dévélopement des libertés publiques, veulent que le pouvoir royal soit dans des mains viriles." Le moniteur universel, no. 22 (August 10, 1842): 1768.
120. "Je reconnais ... quelque chose de contradictoire avec la présence d'une femme au pouvoir ... [et] cette pernicieuse malignité de la press." Le moniteur universel, no. 231 (August 19, 1842): 1810.
121. "La dynastie si récente, que vous avez assise sur le cratère fermé de tant de révolutions, doit être ... une dynastie àcheval... Il faut que ... le passage d'un régime àl'autre se fasse sous une voûte de baïonnettes." Le moniteur universel, no. 231 (August 19, 1842): 1809.
122. For a description of the difficulty of obtaining promotions for officers before 1848, see William Serman, Les origines des officiers français 1848-1870 (Paris, 1979), 18-20. Letters from the duc d'Orléans and duc d'Aumale to their father while in Algeria suggest the difficulties that their commanding officers had in relation to the princes.
123. An attempted assassination in 1840 of the due d'Aumale as he entered Paris at the head of a division of the Algerian army suggests the power of such claims. ""
124. The family's private letters repeatedly refer to this precaution over the course of the reign.
125. Anonymous lithograph of Horace Vernet's painting "Louis-Philippe and His Sons Riding Out from the Château of Versailles," Collection Histoire de France, C 23433, Estampes, BNF. The painting appeared at the Salon of 1847 and was purchased by Louis-Philippe for the national museum at Versailles. It included the popular first son of the king, the duc d'Orléans, who had died five years earlier.
126. This was a possibility intimated, intentionally or not, in a lithograph from shortly before the revolution, depicting the young comte de Paris, the eldest son of the defunct duc d'Orléans, still in skirts, surrounded by his uniformed uncles carrying swords. The print is signed Collette and Sanson after Lalisse, lithographer F. Dupont. Collection de Vinck, A 14822, Estampes, BNF.
127. Procès de M. Cabet contre "Le national" an sujet des bastilles, et duel proposé (Paris, 1841).
128. Patricia O'Brien, "L'Embastillement de Paris: The Fortification of Paris during the July Monarchy," French Historical Studies 9 (1975): 63-82.
129. Procès des lettres attribuées par le journal "La France" au roi Louis-Pliilippe: Cour d'assise de la Seine du 24 avril (Paris, 1841).
130. The play was subsequently banned. Lemaître claimed in the memoirs published by his son that he had not intended to mock the king. Lemaître, Souvenirs publiés par son fils, 235-71.
131. See also Baldick, Life and Times of Frederick Lemaître, 174-83. For background on Vidocq, who served briefly as chief of security for Paris under the Restoration Monarchy after several years in prison, see Eric Perrin, Vidocq (Paris, 1995), 206-08; and the recent réédition of his writings, Eugène-François Vidocq, Mémoires: Les voleurs (Paris, 1998).
132. For an interesting variation on this theme, see Albert Boime, "Going to Extremes over the Construction of the Juste Milieu," in Chu and Weisberg, Popularization of Images, 213-36.
133. Physiologie du parapluie par deux cochers de fiacre (Paris, 1841);
134. Physiologie du blagueur, par une société en commandite (Paris, 1841);
135. James Rousseau, Physiologie du Robert-Macaire, illustrations by H. Daumier (Paris, 1842).
136. I base this observation on the kinds of crimes regularly reported in the republican and socialist paper La réforme for the year 1847. These reports offer a fascinating contrast with what was normally reported in the official paper Le moniteur universel by way of incidental crimes, almost all of which were committed by members of the lower classes.
137. Victor Hugo, Choses vues, 1830-1848 (Paris, 1998), 162-66, 185, 224-35.
138. In fact, the king left France with hardly any money on his person, and the family had considerable difficulty preserving their private property from confiscation by the French government. The king and queen resided at the estate of Twickenham in England as guests of the British royal family until their deaths.
139. Artist unknown, Imprimerie Lemercier, Paris. The caption under the drumming figure on the left, which represents François Guizot, reads: "Parade par le fameux Guizotin" (Parade by the Famous Clown Guizot). The publicity panel behind the pyramid of princes reads: "Extraordinary show for the benefit of the French people. Grand and last pyramid of the disloyal family, the First Mountebanks [Saltimbanques] of Europe." The caption on the lower right beneath two children of the people, one of whom is thumbing his nose at the Orleans clowns, reads: "The public exhibits its great satisfaction." Collection de Vinck, 1848, P 31641, Estampes, BNF. It may be that the reference for this caricature was "Les Saltimbanques," a satirical play by Charles Odry that figured in the repertoire of the popular theater Variétés in the late 1840s. One journalist described the leading character, Bilboquet, as a smaller Robert Macaire. Quoted by Lecomte, Frédérick-Lemaître, 66.
140. See, for example, H. A. C. Collingham, The July Monarchy: A Political History of France 1830-1848 (London, 1988), 103.
141. For a description of her reception of the duc de Joinville at Les Invalides, see Hugo, Choses vues, 31.
142. The society column that Delphine de Girardin wrote for her husband's paper La presse under her alias, le vicomte de Launay, rarely included any social occasion at the Tuileries Palace in the 1840s, even though Emile de Girardin was sympathetic to the monarchy.
143. Marie-Amélie avoided political judgments in her correspondence, but she stayed up every night with her husband until he finished signing official documents. The extremely close relationship between husband and wife and occasional references to political matters in his correspondence with her makes clear he talked to her about his concerns. The queen was also the confidante of her two most politicized children, the duc d'Orléans and her eldest daughter Louise, Quten of the Belgians, when they disagreed with their father's policies. See d'Orléans, Souvenirs 1820-1830; and Mia Kerchvoorde, Louise d'Orléans reine oubliée 1812-1850, Lucinne Plisnier and Flooris van Deyssel, trans. (Paris, 1991).
144. No French king had ever made a diplomatic visit outside of France. Nothing in the private papers of the family explain why the queen stayed home, nor are there any regrets expressed about her having done so. It appears to have been taken for granted by both the king and queen that she would not go to England.
145. The duc d'Orléans admitted to disagreements with his father as early as August 1830 when he wrote his memoirs in 1831. His strong views and emotional character also made differences with his father apparent to others, including members of the government, though he never openly rebelled. D'Orléans, Souvenirs, 389-91. The manuscript of these memoirs is located in 300 AP IV 159, AF, AN.
146. This invisibility of the princesses did not apply to the provinces. The duc de Nemours and his wife Victoire made several ceremonial trips to provincial cities in the 1840s.
147. To defend her husband's honor would be the guiding obsession of the queen throughout the reign and after the family's exile. She collected all the papers that now constitute the bulk of the Orléans papers in the Archives de France in an effort to prove Louis-Philippe's honorability. On the question of honor, the duc d'Orléans left a moving description of his own andliis parents' state of mind in early August 1830 in his memoirs. Souvenirs, 386-87.
148. For an unpublished description of this and other events of the revolution by the second son of Louis-Philippe, the duc de Chartres, see 300 APIV 172, AF, AN.
149. Daniel Stern (pseudonym for Marie d'Agoult), Histoire de la révolution tie 1848, vol. 1, 2d edn. (Paris, 1878), 142.
150. Stern, Histoire de la revolution île 1848, 144.
151. The full text in French reads: "La Promenade des cadavres aux flambeaux / Vengeancel ... aux armesl ... on assassine nos frèresl" Anonymous engraving, Collection de Vinck, P 31378, Estampes, BNP. 91
152. The signature "à Paris 1848" also suggested that the artist was a foreign observer.
153. The lithograph is titled "Scene near the National. Time-Night" and depicts the cart stopped in front of the offices of the republican paper Le national, where the paper's editor, Louis-Antoine Gamier-Pages, addressed the crowd. There are five bodies represented, whereas Daniel Stern reported there were seven. The caption underneath reads: "The bodies of those who had just been destroyed before the Hôtel des Affaires Etrangères, arranged in a cart, accompanied with a dense mass of the populace bearing torches, who chant in a mournful voice 'Mourir pour la patrie,' stopping and pointing to the mangled remains of their comrades, terrifically shriek aloud for vengeance." Collection de Vinck, P 31381, Estampes, BNP. Roger Price included an unidentified print depicting the chariot of corpses as Daniel Stern described it in his first edition of 1848 in France (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975), 24. That print vanished from his recent revised edition, Documents on the French Revolution of 1848 (New York, 1996). I wish to thank Mark Traugott for bringing the first edition of Price's documentary collection to my attention. 92 Design and lithograph by A. Provost, "Journée du mercredi 23 février," the caption reads: "The dead, fallen in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, were placed in a cart and driven around under the light of torches." This print is the first plate in a series of twelve entitled "Paris en 1848," printed by Aubert. Provost was the lithographer for the first ten prints, all of which illustrate the embattled and masculinized world of politics constructed in the republican press. Collection de Vinck, P 31374, Estampes, BNF. For other illustrations of the cart of corpses, see Collection de Vinck, P 31368, P 31377, P 31379, P 31380, P 31383, and Collection Histoire de France Qbl M 113441. Mark Traugott brought to my attention another print that is also devoid of women; see Louis-Antoine Gamier-Pages, Histoire de la revolution, édition illustrée (Paris, n.d.), 148.
154. Peter Sahlins, Forest Riles: The War of the Demoiselles in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 32.
155. The politics of insurrection retained this feature of popular outrage, to judge from evidence on the outbreak of the Commune presented in Gay L. Gullickson, Unruly Women of Paris: Images of the Commune (Ithaca, N.Y., 1996), 18, 54, 60, 77, 124-25. As in 1848, this popular moral judgment would be overridden in 1871 in the account offered in the French press of the repression of the Communards by the army (directed by the government in Versailles).
156. Williams, Contentious Crown, esp. 197-265;
157. Homans, Royal Representations; Colley, Britons, 195-283; Laqueur, "Queen Caroline Affair"; Wahrman, '"Middle-Class" Domesticity Goes Public."
158. For the theme of the corrupting influence of money in Honoré Balzac's novels, see Sharif Gemie, "Balzac and the Moral Crisis of the July Monarchy," European History Quarterly 19, no. 4 (1989): 469-94.