Millenarian slaves? The santidade de jaguaripe and slave resistance in the americas

American Historical Review

Volumn 104, Issue 5, 1999, Pages 1531-1558

  Metcalf, Alida C ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 37849187493     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2649350     Document Type: Article

References (225)

1. This description of the Santidade de Jaguaripe is drawn from the denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues in the trial of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, Inquisiçâo de Lisboa, hereafter, IL, 10,776, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (Lisbon), hereafter, ANTT; and the confession of Gonçalo Fernandes, in his trial, IL 17,762, ANTT. There may have been two loosely linked (or recently separated) congregations in the wilderness; locating exactly where they were is difficult. are to the Serra do Rios Grande, the Serra das Palmeiras, a place known as palmeiras compridas (tall palms), a place known in the Indian language as riogiiasu, which the informant translated as "great cold." José Calasans believes it to have been in the Serra do Orobo; see Fernao Cabrai de Ataide e a santidade de Jaguaripe (Bahia, 1952), 11-12.
2. Vittorio Lanternari, The Religions of the Oppressed: A Study of Modern Messianic Cults, Lisa Sergio, trans. (New York, 1963), xii.
3. Ted Daniels, Millennialism: An International Bibliography (New York, 1992), xxv.
4. Sacrifice may take the form of moving to a new holy city, sharing one's possessions, failing to plant the crops needed for survival, or passively withdrawing from the world to await the dawn of a new age. Retribution can be violent or nonviolent, but believers expect a superhuman agent to defeat the evil loose in the world; see G. W. Trompf, "Introduction," in Trompf, ed., Cargo Cults an-4 Millenarian Movements: Transoceanic Comparisons of New Religious Movements (Berlin, 1990), 7.
5. Although millenarian movements are religious in tone, they invariably become political, and thus conflict escalates when sects challenge the right and authenticity of extant political authorities. Daniels, Millennialism, xxi-xxiv. There are numerous historical examples of this conflict, for instance, that between the Sioux and the federal government, documented by JSmes Mooney, The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Siom Outbreak of 1890 (Lincoln, Neb., 1991); the 1896-1897
6. campaign of the Brazilian government against the millenarian movement lead by Antonio Conselheiro at Canudos, epically described by Euclides da Cunha, Rebellion in the Backlands, Samuel Putnam, trans. (Chicago, 1944); or the more recent conflict between federal agents and the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas, in 1993, described by Philip Lamy, Millennium Rage: Survivalists, \\liite Supremacists, and the Doomsday Prophecy (New York, 1996), 159-91.
7. The extensive bibliography compiled by Ted Daniels, which annotates 787 studies and lists 3,762 titles, does not address slavery as a category for analysis. In the index, "slave" brings up only two titles; see Daniels, Millennialism. The exception is the studied presence of millennial themes in the slave religions of the U.S. South; see below.
8. Lanternari, Religions of the Oppressed, 158. Besides Jamaica, home to the Rastafarians, whose religion has millennial overtones, and the U.S. South (see below), no indication of a possible association between slavery and millennialism has surfaced in historical writing.
9. As articulated in E. J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (New York, 1959), 57-92, the arrival of modern capitalism into a traditional peasant society brings cataclysmic effects as church estates are secularized, land enclosed, and customary rights taken away. Hobsbawm's remote Italian and Spanish villages find parallels elsewhere, when the old ways no longer work and the old understanding of the meaning of life fails to explain the present. For example, the Contestado Rebellion of Brazil (1912-1916) is characterized as a peasant rebellion against the encroachment of capitalism. Traditional patron-client relationships broke down as some members of the local elite cooperated with the capitalization of this once isolated region of southern Brazil, to the detriment of peasants. The millenarian movement promised to recreate an idealized past for peasants whose lives had been disrupted and worsened by the arrival of the railroad, lumber companies, and the loss of traditional land rights;
10. see Todd Diacon, Millenarian Vision, Capitalist Reality: Brazil's Contestado Rebellion, 1912-1916 (Durham, N.C., 1991).
11. See Barbara L. Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (Cambridge, Mass., 1991);
12. Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham, N.C., 1992);
13. and John K. Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1680 (Cambridge, 1992).
14. Michael Barkun, Disaster and the Millennium (New Haven, Conn., 1974).
15. Michael Adas, Prophets of Rebellion: Millenarian Protest Movements against the European Colonial Order (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1979), uses a comparative approach to investigate millenarian movements, sparked by the displacement of local elites, who sought to revive tradition and expel the foreigners.
16. See Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston, 1995), 26-30, on the four moments where silences enter historical production.
17. Slave resistance is of major interest to Brazilian history due to the importance of slavery in Brazilian development, but this literature has never explored whether slave resistance could have taken millenarian forms. See, for example, Maria Januaria Vilela Santos, Balaiada e a insiirreiçâo de escravos no Maranhâo (Sâo Paulo, 1983);
18. Clôvis Moura, Rebeliôes da senzala: Qiiilombos, insnrreiçôes, giierrillias, 3d edn. (Sâo Paulo, 1981);
19. Moura, Qiiilombos: Rcsistência ao escravismo (Sâo Paulo, 1987);
20. Waldemar de Almeida Barbosa, Negros e qiiilombos em i\finas Gérais (Bclo Horizonte, 1972);
21. Vicente Salles, O negro no Para: Sob o regime da escravidào (Rio de Janeiro, 1971);
22. Julio José Chiavenato, O negro no Brasil: Da senzala àGuerra do Paraguai (Sâo Paulo, 1980);
23. Lana Lage da Gama Lima, Rebeldia negra c abolicionismo (Rio de Janeiro, 1981);
24. Joäo José Reis and Eduardo Suva, Negociaçâo e conflito: A resistência negra no Brasil escravista (Sâo Paulo, 1989);
25. Pedro Tomds Pedreira, Os qiiilombos brasileiros (Salvador, 1973);
26. and Maria Amelia Freitas Mendes de Oliveira,4 Balaiada no Piaui (Teresina, 1985).
27. Stuart B. Schwartz's review of the literature on slave resistance, Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels: Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery (Chicago, 1992), similarly reveals no discussion of millenarianism among slaves. Even the most recent scholarship contains no analysis of millenarianism;
28. see Joâo José Reis and Flâvio dos Santos Gomes, Liberdade par um fio: Histôria dos qitilombos no Brasil (Säo Paulo, 1996). A few scholars consider the possibility of millenarianism in the 1835 male (Muslim) uprising in Bahia;
29. see Howard Prince, "Slave Rebellion in Bahia, 1807-1835" (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1972);
30. and Viania Alvim, "Movimentos proféticos, pré-polîticos e contra-culturais dos negros islamizados na Bahia do século XIX: A Révolta dos Males" (Tese de Mestrado, Universidade Federal da Bahia, 1975).
31. Joâo José Reis rejects this approach by stating that millenarians destroy the world and wait for divine reconstruction, while the males wanted to reconstruct their world with their own hands. See "Urn balanço dos estudos sobre as révoltas escravas da Bahia," in Escravidâo c invençào da liberdade: Estudos sobre o negro no Brasil, Reis, ed. (Sâo Paulo, 1988), 119. In his outstanding study of the revolt, Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia, Arthur Brakel, trans. (Baltimore, 1993), however, Reis inadvertently describes millennial overtones to the revolt. The rebellion was planned to coincide with Ramadan, the "night of destiny"; this celebration "was to be the first act of a new era" (p. 119, emphasis mine). The rebels believed that "the serious defenders of and participators in the white slave society were on the side of evil, whereas the apocalyptic Islamic militants were on the side of good, and were joyous because they were working for a just transformation of the world" (p. 120, emphasis mine). Reis describes how the rebels wore amulets inscribed with religious texts, which they believed would protect them in the fray: " 'Victory Comes from Allah. Victory is near. Glad tidings for all believers,' promised the millennial text in one amulet confiscated by the police," writes Reis (p. 120, emphasis mine). It is entirely possible that the male revolt did have millenarian influences, given that Islam has its own tradition of millenarianism, which revolves around the coming of a savior, or Mahdi, who will deliver the believers into the new age, a time of universal justice and well-being before the end of the world. See Sa'id Amir Arjomand, "Islamic Apocalypticism in the Classical Period," in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, Bernard McGinn, John J. Collins, and Stephen J. Stein, eds. (New York, 1999), 2: 238-83.
32. See, for example, how critics describe the process of creating a postcolonial literature in Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures (London, 1989), 195.
33. Inforinaçâo das terras do Brasil do P. Manuel da Nôbrega, Bahia, August 1549, in Monumenta Historica Societatis lesu, Monumenta Brasiliae (Rome, 1956), 1: 150-52.
34. Calasans, Femâo Cabrai de Atafde, 5-9.
35. See Curt Nimuendajû-Unkel, Los mitos de création y de destruction del mimdo como fitndamentos de la religion de los Apapokuva-Gitarani, Juergen Riester G., ed. (Lima, 1978);
36. Alfred Métraùx, "Migrations historiques des Tupi-Guaranî," Journal de la Société des Ainéricanistes de Paris 19 (1931): 1-47;
37. Métraùx, La religion des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle des autres tribus Tupi-Guarani (Paris, 1928), 201-52;
38. Métraùx, "Messiahs of South America," Interamerican Quarterly 3, no. 2 (1941): 53-60;
39. Egon Schaden, Acitltiiraçâo e messianismo entre indios brasileiros (Sâo Paulo, 1972);
40. and Hélène Clastres, The Land-mthout-Evil: Tupi-Guarani Prophetism, Jacqueline Grenez Brovender, trans. (Urbana, 111., 1995).
41. Within the literature, there is disagreement over whether the prophetic movements existed before colonization or emerged as a result of it; see Carlos Fausto, "Fragmentos de histôria e cultura Tupinamba: Da etnologia como instrumenta cri'tico de conhecimento etno-historico," in Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, éd., Histôria dos indios no Brasil (Sâo Paulo, 1992), 385-87.
42. Maria Isaura Pereira de Queiroz places it within a typology of primitive Messianic movements in Brazil in O messianismo no Brasil e no mnndo (Sâo Paulo, 1965), 146-48, white René Ribeiro sees it as part of the pre-conquest and early colonial movements in "Brazilian Messianic Movements,"
43. in Sylvia L. Thrupp, ed., Millenial Dreams in Action: Studies in Revolutionary Religious Movements (New York, 1970), 57.
44. Two well-researched descriptions of the movement were published by Sonia Siqueira, "A elaboraçâo da espiritualidade do Brasil colônia: O problema do sincretismo," Anais do Musen Paulista 36 (1975): 211-28;
45. and Stuart B. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society, Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge, 1985), 47-50.
46. Ronaldo Vainfas, A heresia dos indios: Catolicismo e rebeldia no Brasil colonial (Sao Paulo, 1995), 64-69. Vainfas also relies on Schwartz's careful situation of the movement as part of a larger phenomenon of indigenous resistance in the larger economic history of Indian slaver)' and the growth of sugar plantations in Bahia (see Sugar Plantations, 47-50).
47. Roger Bastide, Tlie African Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the Interpénétration of Civilizations, Helen Sebba, trans. (Baltimore, 1978), 173-74. Bastide sees the sect as an example of indigenous Messianism and as an early manifestation of catimbô-an indigenous popular religion in which African-Brazilians participated but did not lead.
48. Bastide argued that a distinctly black Messianism never emerged in Brazil because African religion survived in a pure state there, which kept the "black attuned to nature, not [to] a problematical future," and because Brazilian "society had no color line and therefore no pariah group." African Religions of Brazil, 362-63. Although portions of this assertion ring hollow today, Bastide's influence over the writing of the history of slavery in Brazil has caused many scholars to accept his view that slavery and millennialism do not mix. For example, Queiroz in O messianismo no Brazil, 299-300, follows Bastide in her analysis of blacks in Brazil. René Ribeiro is one of the few to question this assumption. In "Messianic Movements in Brazil," he states that "Bastide was unable to explain why the Brazilian black, while relegated to the lowest rung of the social scale and subject to the most severe frustrations, has never had recourse to messianic movements." Luso Brazilian Review 29 (1992): 76.
49. Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, Empire Writes Back, 89.
50. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Annuae Lilterae Societatis lesu, Anni MDLXXXV (Rome, 1587), 129-41.1 thank Ronaldo Vainfas, Sandra Lauderdale Graham, and Richard Graham for locating and copying the letter, and Colin Wells for translating it from the Latin text.
51. Jesuit historian Pierre du Jarric wrote about the Santidade de Jaguaripe: R. P. Petri larrici, Thesaurus Rerum Indicarum (Coloniae Agrippinae [Cologne], 1615), 374-78;
52. and Histoire des choses plus mémorables advenues tout en Indes Orientales que autres pais de la découverte des Portugais, 3 vols. (Bordeaux, 1608-10), 2: 319-23,
53. which suggests that he may have had access to other sources. The great Jesuit historian of Brazil, Serafim Leite, S.L, however, notes only the annual letter of 1585; see Histona da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1938), 2: 22-24.
54. The books of denunciations and confessions were first published as Primeira visitaçâo do Santo Oficio as partes do Brasil pelo Licenciado Heitor Furtado de fifcndonça: ConfisSves da Baliia 1591-1592 (Rio de Janeiro, 1935);
55. and Primeira visitaçâo do Santo Oficio as partes do Brasil pelo Licenciado Heitor Furtado de Mendonça: Denunciaçôes da Baliia 1591-1593 (Sâo Paulo, 1925). Ronaldo Vainfas has produced a new edition of the confessions of the first Inquisitorial visit;
56. see Santo Oficio da Inquisiçâo de Lisboa, Confissöes da Baliia (Sâo Paulo, 1997). The full trial records of those tried for participation in the sect are only to be found in the Inquisiçâo de Lisboa collection of the ANTT.
57. The six trials are Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT; Fernâo Cabrai de Tayde, IL 17,065, ANTT; Gonçalo Fernandes, IL 17,762, ANTT; Iria Alvarez, IL 1,335, ANTT; Cristovâo de Bulhôis IL 7,950, ANTT; and Pantaliâo Ribeiro, IL 11,036, ANTT. The trial of Marcos Tavares, IL 11,080, ANTT, makes reference to his belief in the Santidade, as does the incomplete trial of Heitor Antunes, IL 4,309, ANTT.
58. Antonio's Indian name was Tamanduare according to Paulos Dias, who also said that he had "heard" that Antonio "used to be of the Jesuits." See his confession in the trial of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT. Bras Diaz stated that Antonio had been raised in the "missions" of the Jesuits and that he had invented the sect; see his confession in Confissdes da Bahia, 159. The island of Tinharé is just to the south of Jaguaripe, in the Captaincy of Ilheus. The Jesuits had two missions on the island, both of which were founded in 1561, at the request of an Indian chief of the region who had been baptized; see Antonio Blasquez to Diogo Lainez, September 1, 1561, Monumenta Brasilias, 3: 424-27. At their founding, the missions had 6,000 residents. However, the missions were shortlived due to the severe plague and famine that broke out in 1563-1564. A vivid description of the terror of that plague, which apparently arrived on a ship that landed at Ilheus, is recounted in Leonardo do Vale to Gonçalo Vaz de Mélo, May 12,1563, Momnnenta Brasiliae, 4: 9-22. According to Serafim Leite, the Indians fled from the two mission villages after the plague; Histôria da Companhia de Jesus, 2: 58.
59. Cross-examination of Cristovâo de Bulhôis in his trial, IL 7,950, ANTT; confession of Luisa Rodriguez, Confissöes da Bahia, 206.
60. See the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, especially the letter of Manoel Telles Barreto, IL 17,065, ANTT, as well as the trial of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT. Nobre, widely known by his Indian nickname "Tomacauna," is a fascinating example of a mixed race go-between. Because he was able to negotiate the Indian and the Portuguese worlds, he and others like him were invaluable allies to the early Portuguese colonists. See Alida C. Metcalf, "Intermediaries no mundo português: Lançados, pombeiros e mamelucos do século XVI," Sociedade Brasileira defesquisa Histôrica 13 (1997): 3-13,
61. See the trials of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT; Cristovâo de Bulhôis, IL 7,950, ANTT; and Pantaliâo Ribeiro, IL 11,036, ANTT.
62. The most obvious explanation for Cabral's behavior was that he sought to obtain labor for his plantation. His kinsman, for example, stated that, through his initiative, he brought the Indians from the wilderness, suggesting that Cabrai paid for the expedition in the same way that other planters paid for expeditions to obtain Indians from the wilderness. See denunciation of Francisco d'Abreu, in Deniinciacoes da Bahia, 315-16.
63. When the Visiting Inquisitor asked Domingos de Oliveira why Cabrai behaved as he did, Oliveira responded that it was to "acquire the Indians"; Deniinciacoes da Bahia, 266.
64. Domingos de Almeida stated that "it was said" that Cabrai consented to the Santidade so as to acquire many slaves; Deniinciacoes da Bahia, 251.
65. Francisco d'Abreu, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 315-16;
66. Antonio da Fonsequa, Denundaçôes da Bahia, 346-47;
67. Domingos de Oliveira, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 264-65;
68. Bernaldimo Ribeiro da Gram, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 381-82;
69. Belchior da Fonsequa, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 276-78; and others refer to the role of this woman known as "Mother of God" or "St. Mary" on Çabral's estate.
70. Gonçalo Fernandes stated in his confession that the fame of the sect was so great throughout the Captaincy of Bahia that all Indians, both slave and free, either fled from their masters to join the sect at Jaguaripe or adopted the sect's beliefs and followed its rituals where they were; see his trial, IL 17,762, ANTT. Maria Antunes described a Mameluca woman in Matoim who joined her slaves and did the ceremonies with them; Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 411.
71. Trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT. The confession of Cristoväo de Bulhöis, IL 7,950, ANTT, states that the governor's nephew had also entered the temple and revered the idol.
72. Francisco d'Abreu, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 315-16;
73. Bernaldimo Ribeiro da Gram, Demmciaçôes da Bahia, 381-82; Manoel Telles Barreto to Bernaldimo Ribeiro da Gram in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai. Cabrai, however, states in his confession that he ordered the sect disbanded and the temple burned. He further states that he gave over to the governor the "Mother of God," her husband, and all the slaves whom he had ordered brought from the wilderness to his estate; see trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT.
74. See the ccrtidao of Manoel Telles Barreto and the denunciations of Alvaro Rodrigues and Diogo Dias in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT; Vainfas, A lieresia dos indios, 98-99.
75. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Anmiae Littcrae.
76. Cabrai claimed that he gave the idol, the leader of the sect ("Mother of God"), her husband, and slaves who followed them to the governor; IL 17,065, ANTT. Francisco d'Abreu stated that the leaders were sent to Portugal; Denunciacoes da Baliia, 316; Manoel Telles Barreto stated that he sent "Mai de Deus" (Mother of God) and her husband to Portugal, but that the "pope" had disappeared; certidâo of Barreto in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT.
77. Trials of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065; Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776; Gonçalo Fernandes IL 17,762; Iria Alvarez, IL 1,335; Cristovâo de Bulhôis, IL 7,950; and Pantaliâo Ribeiro, IL 11,036, ANTT.
78. On the history of sugar production in Brazil, and its modeling on the experience of the Atlantic islands, see Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 3-27.
79. On the history of the early Jesuits in Brazil, the work of Serafim Leite provides a comprehensive if uncritical foundation; see Histôria da Companhia de Jesus, vols. 1-2;
80. for a modern synthesis, see Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus i/i Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540-1750 (Stanford, Calif., 1996), 71-75, 474-83.
81. The initial colonization of Brazil rested on Indian slavery, and Indian slavery persisted even after the slave trade from Africa was well established in the seventeenth century. Jesuits found themselves in an awkward position between the colonists, whom they wanted to enlist in their evangelical mission to the Indians, and the Indians, whom they wanted to protect from slavery. See Thomas M. Cohen, The Fire of Tongues: Antonio Vieira and the Missionary Church in Brazil and Portugal (Stanford, Calif., 1998), 13-49;
82. and Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 479-501.
83. On the devastating impact of Indian slavery in sixteenth-century Bahia, see Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 28-72. Similar patterns repeated themselves elsewhere in later centuries;
84. see John Manuel Monteiro, Negros da terra: Indios e bandeirantes nas origens de Sâo Paulo (Sâo Paulo, 1994);
85. John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, Mass., 1978);
86. and David Sweet, "Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed: The Central Amazon Valley, 1640-1750" (PhD dissertation, University of Wjsconsin, 1974). On the Portuguese legislation regarding Indian slavery, see Beatriz Perrone-Moisés, "Indios livres e ïndios escravos: Os princfpios da legislaçâo indigenista do pen'odo colonial (séculos XVI a XVIII),"
87. in M. Cunha, Histôria dos indios no Brasil, 115-32.
88. Informaciön de los padres y hermanos que ay de la Companhia de Jésus en el Brasil y sus occupaciones, 1584, Provincia Brasiliensis et Maragnonensis, hereafter, BRAS, 5, 1: 18, Archivum Romanum Societatis lesu, hereafter, ARSI.
89. This report, known as "Informaçâo dos primeiros aldeiamentos da Bahia" or "Primeiros Aldeamentos na Baîa," has been attributed to José de Anchieta. However, Hélio Abranches Viotti believes that Anchieta did not write the report himself, although as Jesuit Provincial he certainly ordered it written. Viotti believes the probable author to be Luis da Fonseca or possibly Quin'cio Caxa. For the text, see José de Anchieta, Textos historiées (Rio de Janeiro, 1989), 153-87.
90. It is also printed in Anchieta, Cartas: Informaçôes fragmentas histôricos e sennöes (Belo Horizonte, 1988), 357-402;
91. and Anchieta, Primeiros Aldeamentos na Baîa (Rio de Janeiro, 1946).
92. Carta Anua, 1581, in José de Anchieta, S.J., Cartas: Correspondencia ativa e passiva, Hélio Abranches Viotti, S.J., ed. (Säo Paulo, 1984), 308.
93. Schwartz notes that in the 1550s and 1560s there were virtually no African slaves on the sugar plantations of the Northeast. By 1591, the Atlantic slave trade brought a steady supply of African slaves, and, while Indian slaves still labored on the plantations, Africans held the skilled jobs. See Sugar Plantations, 66-68. The Jesuits owned African slaves as early as 1558, and by 1583 the collegio of Bahia owned seventy African slaves;
94. see Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 507-09.
95. Caria Anua, 1581, in Anchieta, Cartas: Correspondencia, 312.
96. In the Chapada do Araripe, some 180 leagues from Salvador, for example, the Jesuits clashed with the Mameluco slave hunters commissioned by the sugar planters. The Jesuits intended to bring a thousand Indians to their coastal missions, but Mameluco slave traders preached against the Jesuits and convinced many of the Indians to turn against them. The Jesuits returned with only 250 Indians, while the traders enslaved many of the others; see Carta Anua, 1581, in Anchieta, Cartas: Correspondencia, 310-11;
97. and Anchieta, "Informaçâo dos primeiros aldeiamentos," Textos historicos, 153-87.
98. The text "Articles touching the dutie of the Kings Majestic our Lord, and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill," in Hakliiytus Postlmmus or Pttrchas His Pilgrimes (Glasgow, 1906), 16: 503-17, possibly authored by Fernâo Cardim, contains a long description of the Indian slaving expeditions of Mamelucos. See also the Inquisition trial of Francisco Pires, a Mameluco slave trader, who confessed to preaching against the Jesuits; IL 17,809, ANTT.
99. Diogo Dias, Fernâo Ribeiro de Sousa, Francisco d'Abreu, Caspar de Gois, Caspar de Palma, Joâo d'Avila, Julio Pereira, Francisco Roiz Castilho, Manoel de Paredes, Maria de Oliveira, Nuno Pereira de Carvalho, and Pauloa de Almeida all use the term gcntio; see their denunciations in Denunciaçôes da Baliia.
100. Denunciations of Joâo Ribeiro, Maria da Fonseca, Joào Bras, Antonio da Fonsequa, and Pero de Moura in Denunciaçôes da Baliia.
101. Denunciations of Domingos de Oliveira, Maria Antunes, Joâo Bras, and Alvaro Sanchez in Denunciaçôes da Baliia.
102. There are two specific references to cscravos or ncgros de giiiné in the denunciation of Maria Carvalha, Denunciaçôes da Bahia, 550, and denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT. In the Inquisition records, as in Jesuit letters and reports of the same era, escravos de guiné or the less common escravos de Angola was used to refer to African slaves. Although the specificity of the terms suggest that these slaves were from those regions of Africa, most historians consider "Guiné," when used in the sixteenth century, to be a generic term that refers to the western coast of Africa. See Pierre Verger, Trade Relations between the Bight of Benin and Bahia from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Centuries, Evelyn Crawford, trans. (Ibadan, 1976), 3;
103. Bastide, African Religions of Brazil, 46. A slave who deposed to the Visiting Inquisitor in Bahia, for example, was described as "Duarte negro de Guiné,
104. filho de gentio de Angola"; Denunciaçôes da Bahia, 408. A sixteenth-century map clearly labels Guiné as the land opposite the Bight of Biafra, opposite the islands of Säo Tome and Principe from whence the sixteenth-century African slave trade emanated;
105. Fernâo Vaz Dourado, Atlas c. 1576, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. Most of the slaves embarked for Brazil in the late sixteenth century would have come from Säo Tome or from the newer slave ports in'Angola.
106. Denunciations of Belchior da Fonsequa, Denunciacoes da Bahia, 277-78; Antonio da Fonsequa, 346-47; Joam Bras, 351; Alvaro Sanehez, 308; Bcrnaldimo Ribeiro da Gram, 381-82; Fernâo Cardil [5/c], 327-28; and Joâo da Rocha Vicente, 447-48.
107. Denunciation of Paulo Adorno in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, 'ANTT.
108. The denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues was part of a book of denunciations from the Recôncavo that was lost; hence only those scholars who consulted the actual Inquisition trials in Lisbon have seen his report. Siqueira, who read Rodrigues, characterizes the Santidade de Jaguaripe as a movement that united Indians, blacks, and Mamelucos; see "A elaboraçâo da espiritualidatae"; Vainfas, who read Rodrigues, states that the African slaves joined the movement for reasons "impossible for us to know"; A heresia dos i'iidios, 158;
109. although in a more recent article, he emphasizes the importance of the participation of African slaves in the Santidade de Jaguaripe; see Ronaldo Vainfas, "Deus contra Palmares-Représentâmes senhoriais e idéias jesuîticas," in Reis and Santos Gomes, Liberdadepar urn flo, 60-80. I discuss this article below.
110. Denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues, in the trial of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT.
111. Dcniinciacocs da Balna, 550.
112. See Siqueira's analysis of the syncretism of the sect in "A elaboraçâo da espiritualidade." 53 Cristiân Parker, Popular Religion and Modernization in Latin America: A Different Logic, Robert R. Darr, Irans. (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1996), 12-13.
113. Parker, Popular Religion and Modernization, 232.
114. Confession of Gonçalo Fernandes, IL 17,762, ANTT.
115. Confession of Domingos Fernandes Nobre in his trial, IL 10,776, ANTT; confession of Pantaliâo Ribeiro in his trial, IL 11,036, ANTT.
116. Pantaliâo Ribeiro used the words bleating and howling in his confession, IL 11,036, ANTT; several describe the shaking movements of the rituals; see confession of Domingos Fernandes Nobre in his trial, IL 10,776, ANTT; and denunciation of Paulo Adorno in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT.
117. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Anmiae Litterae,
118. The early Jesuit Jeronimo Nadal defined the Jesuit ministry as directed to those "for whom there is nobody to care or, if somebody ought to care, the care is negligent," which meant that Jesuits ministered especially to the poor and the outcast; see John W. O'Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Mass, 1993), 72-73.
119. "Enformacion de la Provincia del Brasil para Nuestro Padre, in Frederic Mauro, Le Brésil an XVIIe siècle: Documents inédits relatifs àl'Atlantique portugais (Coimbra, 1961), 143.
120. Although this report is signed by the Jesuit Visitor Cristovâo de Gpuveia, its probable author is Fernao Cardim. See also the annual letters of José de Anchieta, "Carta Anua da Provincia do Brasil, de 1583," in Achieta, Cartas: Correspondência, 344-61;
121. and "Carta Anua de 1584, ou breve narraçâo das coisas atinentes aos colégios e residências, existentes nesta Provincia do Brasil," in Anchieta, Cartas: Correspondencia, 368-86. The Jesuit Visitor to the missions also comments repeatedly about the mission of Jesuits to slaves; see Cristovâo de Gouveia to Claudio Aquaviva, November 1, 1584, Lusitania, hereafter, LUS, 68, Epp. 407-09, ARSI; and Gouveia's report of his visit to Brazil, "Visitas dos Padres," BRAS 2, 139-49, ARSI.
122. Gouveia, "Visitas dos Padres," BRAS 2, 139-49, ARSI.
123. Confession of Bras Dias, Confissöes da Bahia, 159.
124. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Aniuiae Litterae.
125. Thrupp, Millennial Dreams in Action, 12.
126. Composed circa 165 BC at the height of the Maccabean Revolt, the Book of Daniel prophesies that Israel will overthrow the Greek empire and thereafter dominate the world. Norman Cohn summarizes Daniel's imagery: "The world is dominated by an evil, tyrannous power of boundless destructiveness-a power moreover which is imagined not as simply human but as demonic. The tyranny of that power will become more and more outrageous, the sufferings of its victims more and more intolerable-until suddenly the hour will strike when the Saints of God are able to rise up and overthrow it. Then the Saints themselves, the chosen, holy people who hitererto have groaned under the oppressor's heel, shall in their turn inherit dominion over the whole earth. This will be the culmination of history." Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (London, 1957), 4.
127. As Cohn explains, "more than any other religion, Jewish religion centers on the expectation of a future Golden Age; and Christianity, developing out of Judaism inherited that expectation." Norman Cohn, "Medieval Millenarism: Its Bearing on the Comparative Study of Millenarian Movements," in Thrupp, Millennial Dreams in Action, 31-43;
128. see also Scholem Gershom, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 1626-1676, R. J. Zwi Werblowski, trans. (Princeton, N.J.,.1973), 95.
129. Rev. 19-21; see Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 7-10.
130. Trompf, Cargo Cults and Millenarian Movements, 1. According to Scholem, intense hatred of the Roman Empire (the "whore of Babylon" in the Book of Revelation) combined with visions out of the Jewish apocalyptic tradition (with some Christian elements) make Revelation one of the most revolutionary books in literature;
131. Sabbatai Sevi, 95-97.
132. Carole Myscofski, "Messianic Themes in Portuguese and Brazilian Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," Luso Brazilian Review 28 (1991): 77-94. Marjorie Reeves describes the Jesuits as the order that inherited the millenarian outlook of Joachimism in the sixteenth century, for she argues that they saw themselves charged with evangelizing the world and fulfilling prophecies that heralded the second coming of Christ;
133. see Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Notre Dame, Ind., 1993), 274-90. The millenarian beliefs of Antonio Vieira, the influential seventeenth-century Jesuit in Brazil and Portugal, are well known;
134. see Cohen, Fire of Tongues. The portrait of the Jesuits drawn by Cohen and Reeves supports Myscofski's thesis that the Jesuits introduced a millennial outlook in Brazil. But John W. O'Malley does not characterize the early Jesuits as millenarian; rather, he sees them as practical in their thinking and not apocalyptic. First Jesuits, 262, 269, 322, 372.
135. Joseph de Anchieta, Doutrina Cristâ (Sâo Paulo, 1992), 1: 172-75.
136. Cross-examination of Iria Alvares in her trial, IL 1,335, ANTT.
137. Confession of Cristovâo Bulhôis in his trial, IL 7,950, ANTT.
138. Confession of Gonçalo Fernandes in his trial, IL 17,762, ANTT.
139. Confession of Luisa Rodrigues, Confissöes da Baliia, 206.
140. Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 14;
141. Daniels, Milleiinialism,xiv.
142. In medieval Europe, Cohn argues, millenarian views took on revolutionary forms among those who lived in the rapidly growing cities, where trade and industry dramatically redefined family and social life. The large, marginal populations of the cities lived in a state of chronic frustration and anxiety with few rights and limited social networks. Any disruption of the familiar, such as war, famine, a plague, a crusade, tended to push those living on the edge into Salvationist groups led by someone regarded as holy; Pursuit of the Millennium, 30-32.
143. The reconquest of Granada from the Moors in 1492 and the expulsion of Jews from Spain in the same year fanned the flames of a militant Catholicism with millenarian overtones. The expansion of western Europe into Africa and the Americas, many believed, would culminate in a millenarian-like redemption. The journals of Columbus express this belief, as do the feverish mass baptisms of Indians in Mexico by Franciscans who believed that the conversion of the last remaining gentiles would hasten the day of the Messiah's return. See Roberto Rusconi, The "Book of Prophecies" Edited by Christopher Columbus, Blair Sullivan, trans. (Berkeley, Calif., 1997), 31-33;
144. John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, 2d edn. (Berkeley, 1970);
145. and Jacques LaFaye, Qiietzalcoatl and Guadahipe: The Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531-1813, Benjamin Keen, trans. (Chicago, 1976).
146. Widespread belief in the imminent arrival of the Messiah led Jews into the devastating war against the Romans that culminated in AD 70 with the capture of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple. Thereafter, dispersed, lacking a nationality, Jews continued to imagine the apocalyptic war that would reunite the scattered communities, restore them to their homeland, and punish their oppressors. In the first century AD, the apocalyptic prophesies of Ezra and Baruch pictured the Messiah as a mighty warrior who would not only rout the Romans but avenge Israel by destroying all those who had once ruled over Jews, and then establish a blissful earthly paradise. In the Middle Ages, a millenarian, Utopian imagination remained very much a part of the Jewish outlook. According to Conn, the massacres of Jews from the eleventh to fourteenth centuries produced messiahs who led millenarian movements, as did the expulsion of Jews from Spain and Portugal. Still later, the preaching of Sabbatai Sevi united virtually the entire Jewish diaspora into millennial expectation in the seventeenth century. See Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, 5-15; and Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi.
147. Stephen Sharot, "Jewish Millenarianism: A Comparison of Medieval Communities," Comparative Studies in Society and History 22 (1980): 394-415;
148. John Edwards, "Elijah and the Inquisition: Messianic Prophecy among Conversas in Spain, c. 1500," in Edwards, Religion and Society in Spain, c. 1492 (Aldershot, Hampshire, 1996), 79-94;
149. W. William Monter, "The Death of Coexistence: Jews and Moslems in Christian Spain, 1480-1502," in The Expulsion of the Jews: 1492 and After, Raymond B. Waddington and Arthur H. Williamson, eds. (New York, 1994), 12.
150. Maria José Ferro Tavares, "O messianismo judaico em Portugal (la metade do século XVI)," Lttso-Brazilian Review 28 (1991): 141-51;
151. Carole Myscofski, IVJten Men Walk Dry: Portuguese Messianism in Brazil (Atlanta, Ga., 1988), 47-48.
152. See Tavares, "O messianismo judaico"; Myscofski, Wien Men Walk Dry, 52-54;
153. Jacqueline Hermann, No reiuo do dcsejado: A constmçâo do sebastianismo em Portugal, séculos XVI e XVII (Säo Paulo, 1998), 23-72.
154. The poems are available as Trovas do Bandana, 9th edn. (Porto, 1866),
155. facs. edn. in Antonio Machado Pires, D. Sebastiâo e o encoberto, 2d edn. (Lisbon, 1982), 125-45.
156. Hermann, No reino do descjado; Machado Pires, Dom Sebastiâo e o encoberto, 123-45;
157. on the controversy surrounding the Jesuit role in these events (Jesuits were advisers to King Sebastian), see Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 79-91. For the impact of Sebastianism on Brazil, see Myscofski, "Messianic Themes in Portuguese and Brazilian Literature," 77-94.
158. A trial for the New Christian Hcitor Antunes was begun by the Visiting Inquisitor because of his participation in rituals associated with the Santidade de Jaguaripe, but Antûïies died before the trial was completed; see IL 4,309, ANTT. The New Christian community of Salvador da Bahia at the time of the second visitation in the early seventeenth century has been studied by Anita Novinsky, Cristäos Novas na Bahia (Sâo Paulo, 1972).
159. According to his accuser, Nunes recited the Trovas because he was waiting for the Messiah; denunciation of Joâo Bautista, Deminciaçôcs da Bahia, 317.
160. Denunciation of Antonio Guedes, Demmciacoes da Bahia, 421-22.
161. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Aniniae Litlerae.
162. Letter of Manoel Telles Barreto in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT.
163. Denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues, in the trial of Domingos Fernandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT.
164. Denunciation of Paulo Adorno in the trial of Fernâo Cabrai, IL 17,065, ANTT.
165. Denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues, in the trial of Domingos Fcrnandes Nobre, IL 10,776, ANTT.
166. Denunciation of Alvaro Rodrigues.
167. Regimento de Francisco Giraldes, in Instituto do Açucar e Alcool, Documentas para a histôria do açiicar (Rio de Janeiro, 1963), 1: 359-60.
168. When King Philip II of Spain took the crown of Portugal, he became Philip I of Portugal, and Francisco Giraldes (Geraldes) was his first governor; however, Giraldes never arrived in Brazil. See Joaquim Ven'ssimo Serräo, Do Brasil filipino ao Brasil de 1640 (Säo Paulo, 1968), 35-39. The king actually referred specifically to Jaguaripe, which led historian Stuart Schwartz to link these instructions to the Santidade de Jaguaripe and to suggest that they prove that Giraldes's predecessor (Governor Manoel Telles Barreto) had not succeeded in destroying the sect;
169. see Sugar Plantations, 48;
170. and Stuart B. Schwartz, "The Mocambo: Slave Resistance in Colonial Bahia," Journal of Social History 3 (1970):
171. 313-33. Yet the king's words are puzzling, because they locate Jaguaripe between Pernambuco and Bahia, when in fact, Jaguaripe is to the south of the city of Salvador, on the southern edge of the Recôncavo, and nowhere near the overland road to Pernambuco. Most scholars rely on a copy of the Regimento extant in Rio de Janeiro, first published in Revista do Instituto Histôrico e Geografico Brasileiro, 67, part 1, 220-36, rpt. in Documentas para a histôria do açi'icar; and in Marcos Carneiro de Mendonça, Raizes da forinacao administrativa do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1972), 1: 259-77. I have not found the original document.
172. King Philip to Caspar de Sousa, January 19, 1613, in Cartas d'el Rey Escriptas aos Sres Alvaro de Sousa e Caspar de Sousa, transcribed by Deoclecio Leite de Macedo (Rio de Janeiro, 1989).
173. King Philip to Caspar dc Sousa, May 24, 1613, in Carias d'cl Rey. The letter clearly states Jaguaribe, not Jaguaripe.
174. I am not the first to see this coincidence; compare Ivan Alves Filho, Memorial dos Palmarès (Rio de Janeiro, 1982), 10-11.
175. Diogo de Meneses to King Philip, September l, 1610, Fragmentos, Caixa 1, Maço 1, Doc. 6, ANTT. Schwartz believes that these numbers are inflated to convince the crown of the need for military action; Sugar Plantations, 49.
176. Diogo de Campos Moreno, Livra que da razäo do eslado do Brasil-1612 (Recife, 1955), 110.
177. Moreno, Livra que dâ razào, 113.
178. Informaçâo das terras do Brasil do P. Manuel da Nôbrcga.
179. Fernâo Cardim, Do principio e origan dos indios do Brasil, in Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, Ana Maria de Azevedo, ed. (Lisbon, 1997), 166-67.
180. Jesuit annual letter of 1585, Anniiae Litterae.
181. Confession of Gonçalo Fernandes, IL 17,762, ANTT.
182. Confession of Gonçalo Fernandes.
183. Vainfas, "Deus contra Palmares," 60-64.
184. Alves F., Memorial dos Palmares, 8;
185. F. A. Pereira da Costa, Anais Pernambiicanos, 1493-1590 (Recife, 1952), 2: 195-99;
186. Décio Freitas, Palmarès: A guerra dos escravos, 4th edn. (Rio de Janeiro, 1982), 41;
187. all of these authors refer to evidence contained in the correspondence of Diogo Botelho, which may be found in Revisla do Insiititto Historico e Geograpliico Brazileiro 73, part 1 (1910): 1-258.
188. no Pedro Paulo de Abreu Funari, "A arqueologia de Palmares-sua contribuiçâo para o conhecimento da histôria da cultura afro-americana," in Reis and Santos Gomes, Liberdadeporumfio, 26-51.
189. The term quilombo first appeared in Angolan history to describe the war camps of the Jaga; in Brazil, it is used to refer to runaway slave communities; see Jan Vansina, "Quilombos on Sâo Tome, or in Search of Original Sources," History in Africa 23 (1996): 453.
190. Ivan Alves Filho argues in his book on Palmares that it is difficult to support the contention that religion was an important characteristic of the quilombo and that "at no time was collective behavior characteristic of messianism recorded"; Memorial dos Palmares, 16. Décio Freitas also wonders if Palmares might have been Messianic but concludes that "generally speaking, slave rebellions in the Americas do not take a prophetic or messianic character, in contrast to the rebellions of the social groups of the free poor"; Palmares, 48.
191. See above in note 13 my discussion of the male revolt in Bahia.
192. Caspar Barleu, Histöria dos feitos recentemente praticados durante oito anos no Brasil, Cläudio Brandäo, Irans. (1940;
193. rpt. edn., Säo Paulo, 1974), 253. R. K. Kent cites the expedition of Jürgens Reijmbach, a Dutch army lieutenant, who led an expedition against Palmares in 1645 and noted that there was a church at Palmares. See Kent, "An African State in Brazil," in Richard Price, ed., Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, 2d edn. (Baltimore, Md., 1979), 178-79.
194. The banning of witchcraft is interesting because in African millenarian movements of the twentieth century, a target of millenarian leaders was always traditional witchcraft and its practitioners. See Karen E. Fields's discussion of how the Watchtower prophets used baptism as a way of getting rid of witches; Revival and Rebellion in Colonial Central Africa (Princeton, N.J., 1985), 163-92.
195. Report of the Fernâo Carrilho expedition, as utilized by Kent, "African State in Brazil," 179.
196. Scholem, Sabbatai Sévi, 3.
197. Fields, Revival and Rebellion; Bengt Sundkler, Bantu Prophets in South Africa (London, 1961);
198. and Georges Balandier, The Sociology of Black Africa, Douglas Carman, trans. (New York, 1970).
199. Relations sur le Congo du Père Laurent de Liicques (1700-1717), J. Cuvelier, trans. (Brussels, 1953):
200. For additional sources and analysis, see J. Vansina, "The Kingo Kingdom and Its Neighbours," in Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, General History of Africa, Vol. 5, B. A. Ogot, ed. (London, 1992), 573-74;
201. and Wyatt MacGaffey, "The Cultural Roots of Kongo Prophetism," History of Religions 17 (1977): 177-93.
202. An earlier cult in Malawi (southeast Africa), occurred in the context of the upheavals caused by the presence of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. While not described as millenarian, the Mbona cult nevertheless featured a redemptive leader known as Mbona or "black Jesus"; see J. Matthew Schoffeleers, River of Blood: The Genesis of a Martyr Cult in Southern Malawi, c. A.D. 1600 (Madison, Wis., 1992).
203. The colonial regimes in Africa reduced the amount of land Africans could own, enforced rigid segregation, and weakened the power of traditional chiefs; but, at the same time, Africans learned in the mission churches that they were equal to whites in the eyes of God. This obvious contradiction began, according to Georges Balandier, to educate Africans politically. These movements gave birth not only to black churches but also to political movements against the colonizers that became the basis for African nationalism; Balandier, Sociology of Black Africa, 412.
204. Balandier further argues that it was through reading the Bible that African protest and resistance acquired a semi-mythical, semi-literary form (p. 470). Balandier's study of Simon Kimbangou, one of the famous African prophets of the twentieth century, illustrates how the combination of colonialism and missions led to the creation of independent African churches. Known as Gounza
205. Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary Manipulations of a Religious Myth (University Park, Pa., 1982), 68.
206. Lewis V. Baldwin presents a well-developed analysis of millenarian and Messianic themes in slave religion, which he argues carried over into southern black churches; see There Is a Balm in Gilead: The Cultural Roots of Martin Luther King, Jr. (Minneapolis, 1991); and Baldwin, "Martin Luther King, Jr.,
207. the Black Church, and the Black Messianic Vision," Journal of the Interdenominational Theology Center 12, nos. 1-2 (1984-85): 93-108. Moses argues that while U.S. culture has been historically rich with Messianic symbolism, it is strongest among black Americans. Like Baldwin, he also sees Martin Luther King, Jr., as coming out of a southern, Protestant, and African-American religious tradition that historically created hopes for a Messiah;
208. Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms. In his classic Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" in the Antebellum South (New York, 1980), 289-318,
209. Albert Raboteau illustrates how the Old Testament books of Exodus and Daniel figured prominently in slave Christianity. Exodus promised deliverance to a radically different future, while Daniel contained the fundamental millennial prophesies, which slaves interpreted to mean the triumph of the North in the Civil War. Cornel West discusses the evolution of black theology from prophetic Christian roots during slavery in Prophesy Deliverance! An Afro-American Revolutionary Christianity (Philadelphia, 1982). Baldwin, Raboteau, and Dwight N. Hopkins and George C. L. Cummings discuss how slave visions of heaven and slave imagination of the Day of Judgment revealed a millenarian outlook, because heaven to slaves became bound up with their vision of freedom, a transcendent freedom to be realized in God's, not the master's, heaven. Slaves pictured heaven as a place where families would reunite, where wrongs would be righted, where slaves would extract their revenge, and where communities would be reconstructed; see Louis V. Baldwin, "'A Home in Dat Rock': Afro-American Folk Sources and Slave Visions of Heaven and Hell,"
210. Journal of Religious Thought 42 (1984): 38-57;
211. Raboteau, Slave Religion, 291;
212. and Hopkins and Cummings, Cut Loose Your Stammering Tongue: Black Theology in the Slave Narratives (New York, 1991), 57-59.
213. Hopkins and Cummings, Cut Loose Your Stammering Tongue, 57.
214. "The Confessions of Nat Turner," in Henry Irving Tragic, The Southampton Slave Revolt of 1831: A Compilation of Source Material (Amherst, Mass., 1971), 309.
215. "Confessions of Nat Turner," 308.
216. Maxine Lavon Montgomery, The Apocalypse in African-American Fiction (Gainesville, Fla., 1996), 1-14.
217. Moses, Black Messiahs, 181-95;
218. Dennis Walker, "The Black Muslims in American Society: From Millenarian Protest to Trans-Continental Relationships," in Trompf, Cargo Cults and Millenarian Movements, 343-90.
219. Bastide rejects the relevance of the U.S. South to Brazil because the slave religions of the United States came out of a Protestant tradition, which he argues is necessary for the Old Testament prophesies to be introduced; African Religions of Brazil, 361.
220. José Alipio Goulart, Da fiiga ao suicidio: Aspectos de rebeldia dos escravos no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1972), 213-16.
221. See Robert M. Levine, Vale of Tears: Revisiting the Camidos Massacre in Northeastern Brazil, 1893-1897 (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), 217-26;
222. Patricia Pessar, "Millenarian Movements in Rural Brazil: Prophecy and Protest," Religion 12 (1982): 187-213;
223. and Pessar, "Three Moments in Brazilian Millenarianism: The Interrelationship between Politics and Religion," Lnso Brazilian Review 28 (1991): 94-116.
224. Ariosvaldo Figueiredo, O negro e a violência do branco: O negro em Sergipe (Rio de Janeiro, 1977).
225. E. Cunha, Rebellion in the Backlands; and Levine, Vale of Tears.