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Volumn 48, Issue 3, 2007, Pages 349-373

Continuity, revolution or evolution on the slave coast of West Africa? Royal architecture and political order in precolonial Dahomey

Author keywords

Archaeology; Architecture; Political; Slave trade; West Africa

Indexed keywords

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE; COLONIZATION; EIGHTEENTH CENTURY; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; NINETEENTH CENTURY; POLITICAL HISTORY; SLAVERY; SOVEREIGNTY;

EID: 37149048837     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: 14695138     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853707002800     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (27)

References (159)
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    • I would like to thank the editors of JAH and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on an earlier draft of this essay. I must also express my sincere gratitude to Merrick Posnansky, Alexis Adande, Joseph Adande, Elisée Soumonni, Zephiran Daavo, Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, Da Nondichao Kpengla and Christian Médard Assogba for providing invaluable assistance in shaping and implementing this research
    • I would like to thank the editors of JAH and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on an earlier draft of this essay. I must also express my sincere gratitude to Merrick Posnansky, Alexis Adande, Joseph Adande, Elisée Soumonni, Zephiran Daavo, Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, Da Nondichao Kpengla and Christian Médard Assogba for providing invaluable assistance in shaping and implementing this research.
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    • Akinjogbin called the underlying ideology of this political order the 'Ebi social theory' (ibid. 16).
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    • For a contrasting view on the evolutionary relationship between 'chiefdoms' and 'states, see N. Yoffee, Too many chiefs, or, Safe texts for the '90s, in N. Yoffee and A. Sherratt (eds, Archaeological Theory: Who Sets the Agenda, Cambridge, 1993, 60-78. It is worth noting a semantic difference between the definition of the 'state' used here, and that used by contemporary Africanist historians, which tends to include all hierarchical societies with hereditary leaders. The anthropological definition in use here distinguishes socially stratified societies in which power is lineage-based (chiefdoms, from those in which power is largely class-based and in which leaders monopolize the use of coercive force states, It is also important to acknowledge that this distinction is largely heuristic, and that 'complex societies' often fall somewhere between these extremes
    • For a contrasting view on the evolutionary relationship between 'chiefdoms' and 'states', see N. Yoffee, 'Too many chiefs ? (or, Safe texts for the '90s)', in N. Yoffee and A. Sherratt (eds.), Archaeological Theory: Who Sets the Agenda? (Cambridge, 1993), 60-78. It is worth noting a semantic difference between the definition of the 'state' used here, and that used by contemporary Africanist historians, which tends to include all hierarchical societies with hereditary leaders. The anthropological definition in use here distinguishes socially stratified societies in which power is lineage-based (chiefdoms), from those in which power is largely class-based and in which leaders monopolize the use of coercive force (states). It is also important to acknowledge that this distinction is largely heuristic, and that 'complex societies' often fall somewhere between these extremes.
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    • Archaeologists are increasingly cognizant of non-hierarchical strategies for avoiding political fission, and African examples have played a prominent role in this debate. This discussion is beyond the limits of this study, yet for notable examples see chapters in S. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa (Cambridge, 1999).
    • Archaeologists are increasingly cognizant of non-hierarchical strategies for avoiding political fission, and African examples have played a prominent role in this debate. This discussion is beyond the limits of this study, yet for notable examples see chapters in S. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa (Cambridge, 1999).
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    • For a recent discussion or these Das-reliefs and an update on efforts towards their conservation, see, Los Angeles
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    • Of the 14 nineteenth-century palaces represented in Fig. 1, 8 were attributed to King Glele. This suggests a phase of major regional expansion during Glele's reign.
    • Of the 14 nineteenth-century palaces represented in Fig. 1, 8 were attributed to King Glele. This suggests a phase of major regional expansion during Glele's reign.
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    • For an account of the role of officials in palace maintenance, see
    • For an account of the role of officials in palace maintenance, see Forbes, Dahomey and the Dahomans, II, 132.
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    • It is also possible that Agonglo, Adandozan's predecessor, was murdered (Bay, Wives of the Leopard, 155).
    • It is also possible that Agonglo, Adandozan's predecessor, was murdered (Bay, Wives of the Leopard, 155).
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    • Adandozan is purported to have maintained a palace as a prince in Abomey (Suzanne Blier, personal communication, 13 April 2006).
    • Adandozan is purported to have maintained a palace as a prince in Abomey (Suzanne Blier, personal communication, 13 April 2006).
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    • A total of six royal constructions were identified and mapped at Cana. Two of these have been excluded from this discussion. I have argued elsewhere that the first of these, built at Cana-Kpohon (Fig. 6c), was not a palace at all but rather a facility for housing slaves en route to the coast. The second, built at Cana-Mignonhi (Fig. 6f), was not finished and probably never occupied to any great extent, limiting its usefulness for this analysis. Descriptions of these structures can be found in Monroe, ' The dynamics of state formation', and Monroe, 'The Abomey Plateau Archaeological Project'.
    • A total of six royal constructions were identified and mapped at Cana. Two of these have been excluded from this discussion. I have argued elsewhere that the first of these, built at Cana-Kpohon (Fig. 6c), was not a palace at all but rather a facility for housing slaves en route to the coast. The second, built at Cana-Mignonhi (Fig. 6f), was not finished and probably never occupied to any great extent, limiting its usefulness for this analysis. Descriptions of these structures can be found in Monroe, ' The dynamics of state formation', and Monroe, 'The Abomey Plateau Archaeological Project'.
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    • Monroe, 'The Abomey Plateau Archaeological Project', 7-8.
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    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 28 Mar. 2002, Cana, Bénin.
    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 28 Mar. 2002, Cana, Bénin.
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    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 13 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin;
    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 13 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin;
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    • Langanfin Ahonovi, 13 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin.
    • Langanfin Ahonovi, 13 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin.
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    • For a description of temples with similar ground plans, see
    • For a description of temples with similar ground plans, see Le Herissé, L'ancien royaume du Dahomey, 359.
    • L'ancien royaume du Dahomey , pp. 359
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    • Da Bokpe 2002, 31 Mar., Cana, Bénin.
    • Da Bokpe 2002, 31 Mar., Cana, Bénin.
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    • Da Glodji, 20 Mar. 2002, Cana, Bénin;
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    • Da Soufe, 31 Mar. 2001, Cana, Bénin;
    • Da Soufe, 31 Mar. 2001, Cana, Bénin;
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    • Djessou Aligbonon-non, 20 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin.
    • Djessou Aligbonon-non, 20 Aug. 2000, Cana, Bénin.
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    • Monroe, 'The Abomey Plateau Archaeological Project', 8. These dates indicate only that this particular refuse mound was deposited quickly, and should not be read as a measure of the entire period of occupation for this palace.
    • Monroe, 'The Abomey Plateau Archaeological Project', 8. These dates indicate only that this particular refuse mound was deposited quickly, and should not be read as a measure of the entire period of occupation for this palace.
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    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 13 Aug. 2000, 19 Jan. 2002;
    • Da Langanfin Glélé Aïhotogbé, 13 Aug. 2000, 19 Jan. 2002;
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    • 13 Aug
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