'Peaceful evolution', 'regime change' and China's political security

Journal of Contemporary China

Volumn 16, Issue 53, 2007, Pages 717-727

  Ong, Russell ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

MILITARY INTERVENTION; MODERNIZATION; PEACE PROCESS; PEACEKEEPING; SECURITY THREAT; STRATEGIC APPROACH;

ASIA; CHINA; EURASIA; FAR EAST;

EID: 35648997443     PISSN: 10670564     EISSN: 14699400     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10670560701562408     Document Type: Article

References (47)

1. Qu Quansheng, 'Beware of the "peaceful evolution" scheme by hostile international forces', Jiefangjun Bao, (7 November 1989), p. 2.
2. Tang Huihu, 'Western media interfering in China', Dangdai Shijie Yu Shehui Zhuyi 3, (1996), pp. 39-42.
3. Cited in Ibid.
4. The Copenhagen school, amongst others, has called for a wider definition of security. See, for example, Barry Buzan et al., Security: A New Framework for Analysis (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998)
5. Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, 2nd edn (Harlow: Longman, 1991).
6. Li Qinggong and Wei Wei, 'Theworld needs a new security concept', Jiefangjun Bao, (24 December 1997), p. 5.
7. Michael B. Yahuda, 'Chinese foreign policy and the collapse of communism', SAIS Review 12(1), (Winter/Spring 1992), p. 134.
8. 'Problems posed by the Soviet Union - a talk given by Gao Di, editor of the Renmin Ribao, to Communist Party editors and cadres on 30 August 1991', The China Quarterly no. 130, (June 1992), p. 484.
9. Ibid., p. 483.
10. The Four Cardinal Principles are keeping to the socialist road, upholding dictatorship of the proletariat, upholding the leadership of the CCP, and upholding Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.
11. 'Chinese paper denounces "peaceful evolution" approach of US monopoly capitalist class', Guangming Ribao, (4 September 1989).
12. See, for example, Elizabeth Perry and Mark Selden, eds, Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).
13. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, (March 2006), p. 41.
14. See, for example, John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (London: W.W. Norton, 2002). On the other hand, to counter the 'China threat theory', China espouses a 'peaceful rise' (heping juequ) thesis, arguing that a stable regional environment is paramount for its drive towards economic development hence it is unlikely to risk a major conflict in Asia and by extension, further afield.
15. See Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China Peaceful Development Road, (12 December 2005)
16. also Xu Jian, 'Peaceful rise: China's strategic option', Guoji wenti yanjiu no. 2, (2004), pp. 1-8.
17. See, for example,Russell Ong, China's Security Interests in the Post-Cold War Era (London:CUrzon Press, 2001).
18. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, (September 2002). This ties in with the 'democratic peace' theory.
19. See Michael Brown et al., eds, Debating the Democratic Peace (London: MIT Press, 1996).
20. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, (September 2002), p. iv.
21. Condoleezza Rice, 'Promoting the national interest', Foreign Affairs 79(1), (January-February 2000), p. 49.
22. Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship: The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1992), p. 18.
23. David Shambaugh, 'Peking's foreign policy conundrum since Tienanmen: peaceful coexistence vs peaceful evolution', Issues & Studies 28(11), (November 1992), pp. 68 and 77-80.
24. This refers to the era from the First Opium War to the time when the Communists came to power. In this era, China was not only 'humiliated' by Western powers but also by its Asian neighbour Japan.
25. To some Chinese observers, it appears that George Bush has shifted American foreign policy from predecessor Clinton's 'human rights and economic diplomacy' to 'national security and anti-terrorism'. Shen Shishun, 'Trends for US foreign policy after the election', Guoji wenti yanjiu no. 1, (2005), pp. 28-32.
26. For instance, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had earlier labelled North Korea as an 'outpost of tyranny' but later made a retraction. See 'N Korea blames US "outpost of tyranny" comment for stalled talks', Yonhap News Agency, (14 May 2005)
27. 'North Korea calls for US apology over "outpost of tyranny" remark', Korean Central News Agency, (1 April 2005).
28. The concept of a rogue state was initially popularised by the Clinton administration as part of a wider effort to identify threats to American security in the post-Cold War era. The definition of a rogue state varies but is generally understood to mean states that develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD), defy international norms and support terrorism. See Robert S. Litwak, 'What's in a name? The changing foreign policy lexicon', Journal of International Affairs 54(2), (Spring 2001), pp. 375-392.
29. See also Robert S. Litwak, Rogue States and US Foreign Policy: Containment after the Cold War (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2000).
30. Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, (31 October 1998), available at: http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname= 105_cong_public_laws&docid=f:publ338.105.pdf
31. See, for example, David Hendrickson and Robert Tucker, 'Revisions in need of revising: What went wrong in the Iraq war', Survival 47(2), (2005), pp. 7-32.
32. For the ideological nexus between China and North Korea, see Russell Ong, 'North Korea's enduring importance in China's security interests in the post-ColdWar era', Asian Journal of Political Science 8(1), (June 2000).
33. Some American academics advocate a more multilateralist approach in world affairs. See Stewart Patrick and Shephard Forman, eds, Multilateralism and US Foreign Policy: Ambivalent Engagement (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002).
34. Ma Zhengang, 'A brief overview on the international situation and its prospects', Guoji wenti yanjiu no. 1, (2005), pp. 1-3.
35. 'China, Russia, India call for just world order with UN playing core role', Xinhua News Agency, (3 June 2005).
36. See, for example, Perry and Selden, eds, Chinese Society
37. Jeffrey Wasserstrom and Elizabeth Perry, eds, Popular Protest and Political Culture in Modern China: Learning from 1989 (Oxford: Westview Press, 1992).
38. Communique of the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, (Beijing: 29 December 1978).
39. See, for example, Larry Diamond et al., eds, Democracy in Developing Countries (London: Adamantine, 1989).
40. For limitations of the Self-Strengthening Movement, see Frederic Wakeman, The Fall of Imperial China (New York: Free Press, 1975).
41. David Goodman, 'Reforming China: Foreign contact, foreign values?', The Pacific Review 5(1), (1992), p. 37.
42. See Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratisation in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
43. David Bachman, Bureaucracy, Economy and Leadership in China: The Institutional Origins of the Great Leap Forward (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
44. To a certain extent, the US practises a model of economic imperialism that Britain once relied upon, using its politico-military dominance to ensure that the world markets are adequately accessible for the flow of its capital and products. See Peter Gowan, The Global Gamble: Washington's Faustian Bid for World Dominance (London: Verso, 1999).
45. On interdependence, see the classic text Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition (Boston: Little, Brown, 1977).
46. On interdependence, see Ibid.
47. Liu Xuecheng, 'Bush's China policy in his second term', Guoji wenti yanjiu no. 1, (2005), pp. 28-32.