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Volumn 54, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 37-46

Income stratification in Russian villages: From profession to property

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EID: 35348845795     PISSN: 10758216     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2753/PPC1075-8216540104     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (11)

References (54)
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    • Although many Western observers and Russian liberals have voiced concern about Putin's consolidation of power, ordinary Russian citizens, including those in rural areas, are strongly supportive, with approximately three-quarters of the electorate approving of his job performance. This is strongly correlated with the substantial improvement in the material quality of life for average Russian households since Putin took office. See, for example, "Special Report: Russia: Richer, Bolder - and Sliding Back," Economist (July 15, 2006): 23-25.
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    • The emergence of new classes in rural Russian villages, including findings on income, land, capital stock, class consciousness and shared values, is reported elsewhere; see note 2 above. This article has a narrower focus on two specific mechanisms, household labor and rented land, that affect the amount of inequality between households.
    • The emergence of new "classes" in rural Russian villages, including findings on income, land, capital stock, class consciousness and shared values, is reported elsewhere; see note 2 above. This article has a narrower focus on two specific mechanisms, household labor and rented land, that affect the amount of inequality between households.
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    • The size and autonomy of the private sector varied considerably, from substantial private sector development some years before the end of communism in Hungary and Poland, to much more draconian state economic control bureaucracies in the Soviet Union. See, e.g., David Turnock, ed., Privatization in Rural Eastern Europe: The Process of Restitution and Restructuring (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998).
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    • Human Capital and Income Inequality
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    • Donahue, "Human Capital and Income Inequality"; Fligstein, "Economic Sociology of the Transitions from Socialism."
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    • O'Brien and Patsiorkovsky, Measuring Social and Economic Change, pp. 51-68; Ogloblin and Brock, "Household Income and the Role of House-hold Plots."
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    • The focus is on rented land rather than on land sales and other types of land-tenure issues because rented land is readily available to a wide crosssection of the Russian rural population and its effects on village inequality are relatively easy to measure. A more complete discussion of different types of land use in reference to changes in the Russian legal code is found in Wegren, Russian Peasant Farms and Household Plots in 2003
    • The focus is on rented land rather than on land sales and other types of land-tenure issues because rented land is readily available to a wide crosssection of the Russian rural population and its effects on village inequality are relatively easy to measure. A more complete discussion of different types of land use in reference to changes in the Russian legal code is found in Wegren, "Russian Peasant Farms and Household Plots in 2003."
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    • The implementation of this law varied from one region to another in the Russian Federation. See, ed. Stephen K. Wegren London: Routledge
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    • See O'Brien and Patsiorkovsky, Measuring Social and Economic Change, for a description and findings from these various surveys. The results of a new cross-sectional survey conducted in nine regions in the summer and fall of 2006 are being analyzed.
    • See O'Brien and Patsiorkovsky, Measuring Social and Economic Change, for a description and findings from these various surveys. The results of a new cross-sectional survey conducted in nine regions in the summer and fall of 2006 are being analyzed.
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    • Elsewhere we have shown that since 1991 there has been a growth in the number of extended family and other types of households with additional adult members that provide greater labor potential. See O' Brien and Patsiorkovsky, Measuring Social and Economic Change, pp. 63-65.
    • Elsewhere we have shown that since 1991 there has been a growth in the number of extended family and other types of households with additional adult members that provide greater labor potential. See O' Brien and Patsiorkovsky, Measuring Social and Economic Change, pp. 63-65.
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    • In 2000, for example, the average return on 1 hectare of agricultural land in Russia was 3,931 rubles ($131, For large enterprises, the former collective farms, the average return was 2,131 rubles ($71, but for household enterprises the mean figure was 37,719 rubles ($1,257, See Rossiia v tsifrakh 2002 Russia in Statistics, 2002, Moscow: Goskomstat, 2002, pp. 203-4
    • In 2000, for example, the average return on 1 hectare of agricultural land in Russia was 3,931 rubles ($131). For large enterprises, the former collective farms, the average return was 2,131 rubles ($71), but for household enterprises the mean figure was 37,719 rubles ($1,257). See Rossiia v tsifrakh 2002 (Russia in Statistics, 2002) (Moscow: Goskomstat, 2002), pp. 203-4.
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    • Brinton and Nee, New Institutionalism in Sociology; Granovetter, Strength of Weak Ties; idem, Economic Action and Social Structure.
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    • An interesting empirical example that supports the general argument in this article is found in Sonya Salamon's study of German Catholic farmers in Illinois in the period preceding and during the farm crisis of the mid-1980s in the United States. These farm families adopted a very conservative strategy of diversified agriculture at a time when the financial institutions and federal government experts were promoting mono-cropping strategies to maximize profits. The high inflation, high interest rates, and low crop prices that emerged in the mid-1980s resulted in a great many bankruptcies among the Yankee yeoman farmers who had adopted the mono-cropping strategy, but the German Catholic farmers fared much better and had a much higher level of family farm survival. See Sonya Salamon, Ethnic Communities and the Structure of Agriculture, Rural Sociology 50, no. 3 fall 1985, 323-40
    • An interesting empirical example that supports the general argument in this article is found in Sonya Salamon's study of German Catholic farmers in Illinois in the period preceding and during the "farm crisis" of the mid-1980s in the United States. These farm families adopted a very conservative strategy of diversified agriculture at a time when the financial institutions and federal government "experts" were promoting mono-cropping strategies to maximize profits. The high inflation, high interest rates, and low crop prices that emerged in the mid-1980s resulted in a great many bankruptcies among the "Yankee yeoman" farmers who had adopted the mono-cropping strategy, but the German Catholic farmers fared much better and had a much higher level of family farm survival. See Sonya Salamon, "Ethnic Communities and the Structure of Agriculture," Rural Sociology 50, no. 3 (fall 1985): 323-40.


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