De-centring the South: America's nationwide white supremacist order after reconstruction

Past and Present

Volumn 194, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 213-253

  King, Desmond ^a   Tuck, Stephen ^b  

^a NUFFIELD COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

^b UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 34547113562     PISSN: 00312746     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtl023     Document Type: Article

References (237)

1. New York Freeman, 28 May 1887
2. 'Fortune's Speech: Founding Convention of Afro-American League, 1890', in Herbert Aptheker (ed.), A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, i (New York, 1951), 704-5.
3. 'Fortune's Speech', 703, 704.
4. Fortune outlined his view of the Southern problem at more length in Timothy Thomas Fortune, Black and White: Land, Labor and Politics in the South (New York, 1884).
5. For an overview of Fortune's career, see Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune: Militant Journalist (Chicago, 1972).
6. New York Times, 16 Aug. 1900.
7. Ibid., 17 Aug. 1900.
8. Citizens' Protective League, Story of the Riot (New York, 1900), 8, 70.
9. For Irish hostility to black Americans, see Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York, 1995).
10. Citizens' Protective League, Story of the Riot, 2.
11. New York Times, 16 Aug. 1900
12. Citizen's Protective League, Story of the Riot.
13. See, for example, the recollection of the poet Langston Hughes after moving to Chicago. Langston Hughes, The Big Sea: An Autobiography (New York, 1940), 33.
14. Also see the survey of Northern race relations by W. E. B. Du Bois, 'The Black North', published weekly in New York Times Magazine, 17 Nov.-15 Dec. 1901.
15. On immigrants, see John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 New Brunswick, 1988).
16. The pioneering work in the field was Rayford W. Logan, The Negro in American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 1877-1901 (New York, 1954).
17. On rising racism and racist culture, see David W. Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory (Cambridge, Mass., 2001);
18. James H. Dormon, 'Shaping the Popular Image of Post-Reconstruction American Blacks: The "Coon Song" Phenomenon of the Gilded Age', Amer. Quart., xl (1988);
19. George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (Hanover, NH, 1987)
20. Alessandra Lorini, Rituals of Race: American Public Culture and the Search for Racial Democracy (Charlottesville, 1999);
21. Eric T. L. Love, Race over Empire: Racism and U.S. Imperialism, 1865-1900 (Chapel Hill, 2004);
22. Heather Cox Richardson, The Death of Reconstruction: Race, Labor, and Politics in the Post-Civil War North, 1865-1901 (Cambridge, Mass., 2001).
23. Logan, Negro in American Life and Thought, 12.
24. See, for example, C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York, 1974), 69.
25. See also Richard Valelly, National Perties and Racial Disenfranchisement', in Paul E. Peterson (ed.), Classifying by Race (Princeton, 1995), 188.
26. James L. Roark, Masters without Slaves: Southern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction (New York, 1982).
27. Jim Crow' refers to a minstrelsy figure, but was one term used to denote the system of white supremacy in the South.
28. See Jane Dailey, Before Jim Crow: The Politics of Race in Postemancipation Virginia (Chapel Hill, 2000);
29. Steven Hahn, A Nation under our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge, Mass., 2003);
30. J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880-1910 (New Haven, 1974);
31. Richard M. Valelly, The Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black Enfranchisement (Chicago, 2004).
32. Such moments of African American political power continued in the early twentieth century too. See, for example, Stephen G. N. Tuck, Beyond Atlanta: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Georgia, 1940-1980 (Athens, Ga., 2003), 49-50, 64.
33. For some notable exceptions, see Leslie H. Fishel Jr, 'The North and the Negro, 1865-1900: A Study in Race Discrimination' (Harvard Univ. Ph.D. thesis, 1954);
34. Logan, Negro in American Life and Thought;
35. Emma Lou Thornbrough, The Negro in Indiana (Indianapolis, 1957);
36. J. Morgan Kousser, Dead End: The Development of Nineteenth-Century Litigation on Racial Discrimination in Schools (Oxford, 1986);
37. Mark R. Schneider, Boston Confronts Jim Crow, 1890-1920 (Boston, 1997);
38. Joe William Trotter Jr, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-45 (Urbana, 1985);
39. Stephen Kantrowitz, 'Radical Reconstruction in the Deep North', paper delivered at Oxford Univ., Feb. 2005
40. Davison M. Douglas, Jim Crow Moves North: The Battle over Northern School Desegregation, 1865-1954 (Cambridge, 2005), 123-66.
41. To a significant degree Logan's pioneering work falls into this category. Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago, 1961);
42. Patrick Rael, Black Identity and Black Protest in the Antebellum North (Chapel Hill, 2001).
43. David A. Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 1860-1915 (Urbana, 1976);
44. David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana, 1973);
45. Kenneth L. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930 (Urbana, 1976);
46. Kenneth W. Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, 'Toward a New African American Urban History', Jl Urban Hist., xxi (1995).
47. Joe William Trotter Jr (ed.), The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington, 1991);
48. Nicholas Lemann, The Promised Land: The Great Black Migration and How It Changed America (New York, 1991);
49. William J. Collins, 'When the Tide Turned: Immigration and the Delay of the Great Black Migration', Jl Econ. Hist., lvii (1997).
50. David Levering Lewis. W. E. B. Du Bois: Biographv of a Race, 1868-1919 (New York, 1993);
51. Patricia A. Schechter, Ida B. Wells-Barnett and American Reform, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill, 2001);
52. Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Alexander Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent (New York, 1997);
53. Stephen F. Fox, The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trotter (New York, 1970).
54. On the response to migration, see Victoria W. Wolcott, Remaking Respectability: African American Women in Interwar Detroit (Chapel Hill, 2001);
55. Kevin K. Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, 1996);
56. Elizabeth Dale, '"Social Equality Does Not Exist among Themselves, nor among Us": Baylies v. Curry and Civil Rights in Chicago, 1888', Amer. Hist. Rev., cii (1997).
57. On the black intellectual response, see Mia Bay, The White Image in the Black Mind: African-American Ideas about White People, 1830-1925 (New York, 2000).
58. The various studies cited above have not been brought together systematically in a way that compares with Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, or more recently Hahn, Nation under our Feet.
59. See, for example, W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana, 1993);
60. Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882-1930 (Urbana, 1995);
61. Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York, 1991), 105-16
62. Kouser, Shapping of Southern Politics;
63. Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908 (Chapel Hill, 2001);
64. Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (Athens, Ga., 1994);
65. Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revelations in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (Baron Rouge, 1994):
66. Jay R. Mandle, The Roots of Black Poverty: The Southern Plantation Economy after the Civil War (Durham, NC, 1979).
67. Stephen Kantrowitz, Ben Tillman and the Reconstruction of White Supremacy (Chapel Hill, 2000);
68. Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill, 1996);
69. Hahn, Nation under our Feet;
70. Tera W. Hunter, To 'Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women's Lives and Labors after the Civil War (Cambridge, Mass., 1997);
71. Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black-White Relations in the American South since Emancipation (New York, 1984).
72. Litwack, North of Slavery;
73. James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, In Hope of Liberty: Culture, Community and Protest among Northern Free Blacks, 1700-1860 (New York, 1997);
74. Rael, Black Identity and Black Protest;
75. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), 307-15, 461-8
76. Ena L. Farley, The Underside of Reconstruction New York: The Struggle over the Issue of Black Equality (New York, 1993);
77. Kimberley L. Phillips, Alabama North: African-American Migrants, Community, and Working-Class Activism in Cleveland, 1915-45 (Urbana, 1999);
78. Charles Payne, 'The Whole United States is Southern: Brown v. Board and the Mystification of Race', Jl Amer. Hist., xci (2004);
79. Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, 1996);
80. Martha Biondi, To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in New York City (Cambridge, Mass., 2003);
81. Jeanne F. Theoharis and Komozi Woodard (eds.), Freedom North: Black Freedom Struggles outside the South, 1940-1980 (New York, 2003);
82. Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York, 2005).
83. For this interpretative task, we draw on primary materials, especially with regard to lynching, urban violence and the federal bureaucracy; and on the findings of the scholarly literature which relates to race and American political development in this period.
84. Du Bois, 'Black North', New York Times Mag., 17 Nov. 1901.
85. This was not because African Americans were unable to move when better opportunities seemed on offer. Movement between plantations was a feature of southern life in this period. See also Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York, 1992).
86. See Litwack, North of Slavery.
87. Edward Raymond Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania: Slavery - Servitude - Freedom, 1639-1861 (Washington DC, 1911), 143.
88. Ibid., p. vii.
89. Ibid., 145, 153, 158.
90. See, for example, Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 4, 27-8, 32
91. James M. McPherson, The Negro's Civil War: How American Negroes Felt and Acted During the War for the Union (New York, 1965), 246-7
92. Foner, Reconstruction, 27.
93. Leslie H. Fishel Jr, 'Northern Prejudice and Negro Suffrage, 1865-1870', Jl Negro Hist., xxxix (1954), 12-15.
94. Malcolm Edwards, 'The War of Complexional Distinction: Blacks in Gold Rush California and British Columbia', California Hist. Quart., lvi (1977), 36
95. Quintard Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier: African Americans in the American West, 1528-1990 (New York, 1998), 82.
96. Fishel, 'Northern Prejudice and Negro Suffrage', 19.
97. Although Republicans dominated the Western states, petitions by blacks for the suffrage in these states were all ignored: Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier, 123.
98. Foner, Reconstruction, 471-2.
99. Fishel, 'North and the Negro', 474.
100. See also Farley, Underside of Reconstruction New York, 73-4
101. Herbert Aptheker (ed.), A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, ii (New York, 1966), 624.
102. Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier, 116.
103. Fishel, 'North and the Negro', 470.
104. Ibid., 472
105. and see Thomas A. Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890-1945 (New York, 2003).
106. Edwin R. Lewinson, Black Politics in New York City (New York, 1976), 34.
107. By 1900, over 70 per cent of black Northerners lived in cities, representing 2.5 per cent of the North's urban dwellers overall: Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race, Ethnicity, and Urbanization: Selected Essays (Columbia, Mo., 1994), 220.
108. For a clear description of this step-by-step process in the South, see Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics.
109. Fishel, 'North and the Negro', 472.
110. Lewinson, Black Politics in New York City, 35.
111. See, for example, Carol E. Hoffecker, 'The Politics of Exclusion: Blacks in Late Nineteenth-Century Wilmington, Delaware', Delaware Hist., xvi (1974-5), 60-72
112. George Wright, Life behind a Veil: Blacks in Louisville, Kentucky, 1865-1930 (Baton Rouge, 1985).
113. Lois Horton, 'The Days of Jubilee: Black Migration During the Civil War and Reconstruction', in Francine Curro Cary (ed.), Urban Odyssey: A Multicultural History of Washington, D. C. (Washington DC, 1996), 75.
114. Kantrowitz, 'Radical Reconstruction in the Deep North';
115. Schneider, Boston Confronts Jim Crow, 7.
116. Indianapolis switched to an at-large system in 1909, and no black candidates were elected until 1932; 1890 marked the high point of black political influence in Philadelphia. Emma Lou Thornbrough, Indiana Blacks in the Twentieth Century (Bloomington, 2000), 28
117. Roger Lane, Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 1860-1900 (Cambridge, Mass., 1986), 76.
118. Quintard Taylor, The Forging of a Black Community: Seattle's Central District from 1870 through the Civil Rights Era (Seattle, 1994), 42.
119. Hoffecker, 'Politics of Exclusion', 68.
120. Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, America's First Black Town: Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915 (Urbana, 2000), 118-23.
121. Kantrowitz, 'Radical Reconstruction in the Deep North';
122. Percy Murray, 'Harry C. Smith-Joseph B. Foraker Alliance: Coalition Politics in Ohio', Jl Negro Hist., lxviii (1983), 172
123. Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 231-6
124. Katzman, Before the Ghetto, 193-200.
125. Gerald G. Eggert, '"Two Steps Forward, a Step-and-a-Half Back": Harrisburg's African American Community in the Nineteenth Century', in Joe William Trotter Jr and Eric Ledell Smith (eds.), African Americans in Pennsylvania: Shifting Historical Perspectives (University Park, 1997), 244.
126. See, for example, Dailey, Before Jim Crow;
127. Lawrence C. Goodwyn, 'Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case Study', Amer. Hist. Rev., lxxvi (1971), 1437-49.
128. Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920 (Bloomington, 1998), 120.
129. Christopher Robert Reed, All the World Is Here! The Black Presence at White City (Bloomington, 2000), 14.
130. See also Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 349
131. Cha-Jua, America's First Black Town, 154.
132. Joe William Trotter Jr, The African American Experience (Boston, 2001), 311.
133. For the struggle over labour in the South, see Hahn, Nation under our Feet;
134. Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers of New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (New York, 1991).
135. Du Bois, 'Black North', New York Times Mag., 17 Nov. 1901.
136. Ronald L. Lewis, Black Coal Miners in America: Race, Class, and Community Conflict, 1780-1980 (Lexington, 1987), 84.
137. See Gaines, Uplifting the Race, 44.
138. See also R. J. M. Blackett, Beating against the Barriers: Biographical Essays in Nineteenth-Century Afro-American History (Baton Rouge, 1986), 341
139. Taylor, Forging of a Black Community, 14-15.
140. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 356.
141. Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier, 199.
142. Joe William Trotter Jr, 'Blacks in the Urban North: The "Underclass Question" in Historical Perspective', in Michael B. Katz (ed.), The 'Underclass' Debate: Views from History (Princeton, 1993), 60.
143. See also Lane, Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 5.
144. See Brian Kelly, 'Sentinels for New South Industry: Booker T. Washington, Industrial Accomodation and Black Workers in the Jim Crow South', Labor Hist., xliv (2003).
145. On strike-breaking, see Robert A. Campbell, 'Blacks and the Coal Mines of Western Washington, 1888-96', in Monroe Lee Billington and Roger D. Hardaway (eds.), African Americans on the Western Frontier (Niwot, 1998), 101.
146. On the South, see Brian Kelly, Race, Class, and Power in the Alabama Coalfields, 1908-1921 (Urbana, 2001);
147. Daniel Letwin, The Challenge of Interracial Unionism: Alabama Coal Miners, 1878-1921 (Chapel Hill, 1998).
148. On the National Urban League, see Nancy J. Weiss, The National Urban League, 1910-1940 (New York, 1974);
149. Arvarh E. Strickland, History of the Chicago Urban League (Columbia, Mo., 2001).
150. The First World War slowed the immigration of white European workers, while many native white workers were involved in the war effort.
151. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, On Lynchings: Southern Horrors, A Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (repr. New York, 1969);
152. Ida B. Wells-Barnett, 'Lynch Law in America', Arena, xxiii (1900).
153. See also S. Laing Williams, 'Frederick Douglass at Springfield, Mo.', African Methodist Episcopal Church Rev., xxiii (1906), 9: 'How accurately did [Frederick Douglass] prophecy that in a few years lynching in the Northern States would be almost as possible as in Arkansas or Mississippi. How that baleful prophecy has been fulfilled, we can all bear sorrowful testimony'.
154. These years were the height of the lynching epidemic in the South. The data on lynching is drawn from the NAACP's records, later published in NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918 (New York, 1919).
155. The data on populations is taken from United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, i (Washington DC, 1975). The relevant tables are Series A 23, 'Annual Estimates of the Population by Sex and Race, 1900 to 1970', 9; Series A 172-94, 'Population of Regions, by Sex, Race, Residence, Age, and Nativity, 22-37.
156. Population totals were taken from the 1900 census because it is approximately the mid point of the period (also, the number of African Americans in each state is reasonably stable across the 1890, 1900 and 1910 censuses).
157. According to NAACP statistics, 702 white people were lynched in this period, the majority in the South.
158. The four regions - North East, North Central, South, and West - are those used in the census. A regional man has the advantage of avoiding the rather patchy appearance of the state map, where a difference of a single lynching in states with tiny black populations can cause the probability of lynching to fluctuate from zero to high probability. The authors would like to thank Paul Chaisty, Daniel Goodman and Raphael Hauser for their help in preparing the maps.
159. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 280-1.
160. For comparison, see Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 252
161. Clare V. McKanna Jr, Homicide, Race, and Justice in the American West, 1880-1920 (Tucson, 1997), 70-1.
162. In his landmark study An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York, 1944) the Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal reckoned that a 'riot' would be better described as 'massacre... a magnified, or mass, lynching' (p. 566).
163. On Southern lynchings, see Brundage, Lynching in the New South; Tolnay and Beck, Festival of Violence.
164. Lawrence B. De Graaf, 'The City of Black Angels: Emergence of the Los Angeles Ghetto, 1890-1930', Pacific Hist. Rev., xxxix (1970), 336.
165. Major riots occurred in Akron, Ohio (1900), Springfield, III. (1908), Coatesville, Pa. (1911), East St Louis (1917), Chicago and Washington DC (1919).
166. New York Times, 17 Aug. 1900.
167. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice, 54
168. Lane, Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 142-3.
169. Ibid., 16 Aug. 1900.
170. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 259
171. Dale, '"Social Equality Does Not Exist"', 316, 324
172. Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 242-3.
173. See also Kousser, Dead End, 9.
174. Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 235-40.
175. Wright, Life behind a Veil, 65-9
176. Eggert, '"Two Steps Forward, a Step-and-a-Half Back"', 245
177. Gerber, Black Ohio and the Color Line, 267.
178. Bradford Luckingham, Minorities in Phoenix: A Profile of Mexican American, Chinese American, and African American Communities, 1860-1992 (Tucson, 1994), 143.
179. Albert S. Broussard, African-American Odyssey: The Stewarts, 1853-1963 (Lawrence, 1998), 52
180. Dale, '"Social E 'quality Does Not Exist"'.
181. According to Morgan Kousser, 'Northern white liberals... and their black allies' won 75 percent of cases filed during 1880-1900, compared wim 60 per cent during the nineteenth century overall: Kouser, Dead End, 7.
182. See also J. Morgan Kousser, 'Before Plessy, before Brown: The Development of the Law of Racial Integration in Louisiana and Kansas', in Paul Finkelman and Stephen E. Gottlieb (eds.), Towards a Usable Past: Liberty under State Constitutions (Athens, Ga., 1991), 237.
183. For an excellent discussion of this transition, see Jacqueline M. Moore, Leading the Race: The Transformation of the Black Elite in the Nation's Capital, 1880-1920 (Charlottesville, 1999);
184. Kevin Gaines, 'Rethinking Race and Class in African-American Struggles for Equality, 1885-1941', Amer. Hist. Rev., cii (1997), 383.
185. Dale, '"Social Equality Does Not Exist"', 336-7
186. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 259.
187. Kusmer, Ghetto Takes Shape, 36.
188. Douglas, Jim Crow Moves North, 123-66.
189. Fishel, 'North and the Negro, 482.
190. Most individual cities had an internally incoherent variety of segregation practices. See, for example, Randall B. Woods, 'Integration, or Segregation? The "Color Line" in Kansas, 1878-1900', in Billington and Hardaway (eds.), African American on the Western Frontier, 134
191. Taylor, In Search of the Racial Frontier, 216.
192. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana, 265-6
193. Schneider, Boston Confronts Jim Crow, 7.
194. New York Times, 17 Aug. 1900.
195. For the comparatively distinct development of this national state, see Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge, 1982);
196. Daniel P. Carpenter, The Forging of Bureaucratic Autonomy: Reputations, Networks, and Policy Innovation in Executive Agencies, 1862-1928 (Princeton, 2001).
197. This view arises both from comparisons with the power of the state in other countries and from consideration of the institutional complexities posed by the US separation of powers and federalism. For instance, Theda Skocpol refers to 'America's relatively weak, decentralized, and fragmented state structure': Theda Skocpol, 'Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research', in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds.), Bringing the State Back In (New York, 1985), 27.
198. Thus Rueschemeyer, Stephens and Stephens argue that extensive decentralization permitted local racial arrangements to endure, arrangements which 'allowed the South to politically exclude blacks totally and install a system of debt peonage which met their needs for a large supply of cheap labor: Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Oxford, 1992), 129. This analysis overemphasizes the regional character of bureaucratic racialism: Segregationist practices were not simply a Southern phenomenon, as they imply, but were encountered both Northern cities and the federal government's own administrative institutions.
199. Russell L. Riley, The Presidency and the Politics of Racial Inequality: Nation-Keeping from 1831 to 1965 (New York, 1999), 126.
200. Foner, Reconstruction, 560.
201. Kirt H. Wilson, The Reconstruction Desegregation Debate: The Politics of Equality and the Rhetoric of Place, 1870-1875 (East Lansing, 2002), 189-90.
202. Kenneth O'Reilly, Nixon's Piano: Presidents and Racial Politics from Washington to Clinton (New York, 1995), 54-7.
203. Thornbrough, Negro in Indiana 299
204. Beatty, Revolution Gone Backward, 74-8.
205. Beatty, Revolution Gone Backward, 80.
206. Sherman, Republican Party, 83.
207. On Roosevelt's writings, see Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 2001), 32-6.
208. Gareth Davies has demonstrated this point in respect to the Great Society's legacy: Gareth Davies, 'The Great Society after Johnson: The Case of Bilingual Education', Jl Amer. Hist., lxxxviii (2002).
209. Benefit to the Colored Race', in US Civil Service Commission, Eighth Report of the US Civil Service Commission July 1, 1890 to June 30, 1891 (Washington DC, 1891), 6.
210. Quoted in The Cabinet Diaries of Josephus Daniels, 1913-1921, ed. E. D. Cronon (Lincoln, Nebr., 1963), 32.
211. US Civil Service Commission, Minutes 1886-1929, 27 May 1914, 228: United States National Archives, College Park, Maryland, RG 146, Records of the US Civil Service Commission, box 21.
212. May Childs Nerney, 'Segregation in the Government Departments at Washington', 14 Oct. 1913: Library of Congress, Washington, Papers of the NAACP, Group I, box C70.
213. Nerney report (see n. 149), repr. in Papers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Arthur S. Link, xxviii (Princeton, 1978), 402-4.
214. Letter from John Palmer Gavit to Oswald Garrison Villard, 1 Oct. 1913, ibid., 350.
215. Letter from Secretary McAdoo to F. I. Cobb, editor of the World, 26 Nov. 1914, in Papers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Arthur S. Link, xxix (Princeton, 1979), 261 (emphasis original);
216. letter from William Gibbs McAdoo to Oswald Garrison Villard, 27 Oct. 1913; ibid., xxviii, 453.
217. For a helpful discussion of the meaning of race in practice, see Barbara Fields, 'Ideology and Race in American History', in J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (eds.), Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward (New York, 1982).
218. On the idea of radical racism in the South, see Williamson, Crucible of Race.
219. On the connection between gender and white supremacy in the South, see Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow.
220. Trotter, African American Experience, 310. The near-quadrupling of the black population and the changing labour structure account for some of this change, along with union and employer attitudes to black workers. Population details from Series A 195-209, in United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, i, 33.
221. For immigrant groups' negotiation of whiteness, see Guglielmo, White on Arrival
222. Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass., 1998);
223. Russell A. Kazal, Becoming Old Stock: The Paradox of German-American Identity Princeton, 2004);
224. David R. Roediger, Working toward Whiteness: How America's Immigrants Became White (New York, 2005).
225. See Orren and Skowronek, Search for American Political Development.
226. There was a widespread attack on the right to vote in the late nineteenth century across the country. See Sven Beckert, 'Democracy in the Age of Capital: Contesting Suffrage Rights in Gilded Age New York', in Meg Jacobs, William J. Novak and Julian E. Zelizer (eds.), The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in American Political History (Princeton, 2003).
227. Statistical data about black American employment in the US federal government collected by the NAACP in 1928 showed a decline in the number of African Americans and their increasing confinement to junior positions between the mid 1910s and the date of the study. 'Memorandum from Walter White to the Conference of Executives NAACP', 17 Oct. 1928: Library of Congress, Papers of the NAACP, Group I, box C403, file: 'Segregation - Federal Service 1928'. For a sceptical view of these trends, see Samuel Krislov, The Negro in Federal Employment: The Quest for Equal Opportunity (Minneapolis, 1967).
228. Desmond King, separate and Unequal: Black Americans and the US Federal Government (Oxford, 1995), 205-10
229. Thomas C. Holt, 'Marking: Race, Race-Making, and the Writing of History', Amer. Hist. Rev., c (1995), 1-10
230. Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White
231. Margaret Weir, 'States, Race and the Decline of New Deal Liberalism', Studies in American Political Development, xix (2005).
232. For a recent critique of Washington as race traitor, see Kelly, 'Sentinels for New South Industry'. For a defence of Washington, see Adam Fairclough, Better Day Coming: Blacks and Equality, 1890-2000 (New York, 2004).
233. Support for black nationalist Marcus Garvey, commonly associated with Harlem and the urban north, actually spread across the South, North and West of America. See Mary Gambrell Rolinson, 'The Garvey Movement in the Rural South' (Univ. of Georgia Ph.D. thesis, 2002).
234. For studies calling for a recognition of the vibrancy of biracial organizing, see Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein, 'Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement, Jl Amer. Hist., lxxv (1988);
235. Robert Rodgers Korstad, Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers and the Struggle for Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South (Chapel Hill, 2003);
236. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill, 1990);
237. Bruce Nelson, Divided We Stand: American Workers and the Struggle for Black Equality (Princeton, 2001).