Resurrecting by numbers in eighteenth-century England

Past and Present

Volumn 193, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 73-110

  Dacome, Lucia ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

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EID: 34347348995     PISSN: 00312746     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtl018     Document Type: Review

References (206)

1. The Spectator, ed. Donald F. Bond, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1965), iv, 134-8.
2. The Free-Thinker: or, Essays on Ignorance, Superstition, Bigotry, Entl:usiasm, Craft, &c. Intermixed with Several Pieces of Wit and Humour. Design'd to Restore the Deluded Part of Mankind to the Use of Reason and Common Sense, 2nd edn, [ed. Ambrose Philips], 3 vols. (London, 1733), iii, 211-14, 248-56.
3. See Mary Phillips Perry, 'On the Psychostasis in Christian Art', Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, xxii (1912-13), pts 1-2.
4. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. Peter H. Nidditch (Oxford, 1975), bk 2, ch. 27.
5. See Christopher Fox, Locke and the Scriblerians: Identity and Consciousness in Early Eighteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley, 1988).
6. By placing self in the conscious mind, Locke challenged established views of identity and individuation that drew on Aristotle's notion of individual substance. According to such views, the body constituted an essential part of the self because the identification of an individual substance rested upon the union of body and mind. By contrast, in identifying self-identity with the conscious mind, Locke downplayed therole of the body in the definition of the self. On the debate generated by Locke's account of personal identity, see, for instance, Udo Thiel, Lockes Theorie der personalen Identität (Bonn, 1983);
7. Fox, Locke and the Scriblerians;
8. Raymond Martin and John Barresi, Naturalization of the Soul; Seifand Personal Identity in the Eighteenth Century (London and New York, 2000).
9. See also Udo Thiel, 'Individuation', in Daniel Garber and Michael Ayers (eds.), The Cambridge History of Seventeenth-Century Philosophy, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1998), i;
10. Udo Thiel, 'Personal Identity', ibid.
11. G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter, 'Introduction: Toward a Natural History of Mind and Body', in G. S. Rousseau (ed.), The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (Berkeley, 1990), 20.
12. See, for instance, Paul's first letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 15).
13. Caroline Walker Bynum, 'Material Continuity, Personal Survival, and the Resurrection of the Body: A Scholastic Discussion in its Medieval and Modern Contexts', History of Religions, xxx (1990);
14. Caroline Walker Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200-1336 (New York, 1995).
15. See also Nadia Tazi, 'Celestial Bodies: A Few Stops on the Way to Heaven', in Michel Feher with Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi (eds.), Fragments for a History of the Human Body, 3 vols. (New York, 1989), ii;
16. Gedaliahu G. Stroumsa, 'Can salutis cardo: Shaping the Person in Early Christian Thought', History of Religions, xxx (1990), esp. 34-45.
17. On views of the hereafter in early modern England, see Ralph Houlbrooke, Death, Religion, and the Family in England, 1480-1750 (Oxford, 1998), ch. 2.
18. On personal identity and resurrection in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Fernando Vidai, 'Brains, Bodies, Selves, and Science: Anthropologies of Identity and the Resurrection of the Body', Critical Inquiry, xxviii (2002).
19. As Humphrey Hody put it in 1694, 'all things that are possible are equally easie to an Omnipotent,Agent': Humphry Hody, The Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, from the Traditions of the Heathens, the Ancient Jews, and the Primitive Church: With an Answer to the Objections Brought against It (London, 1694), 195.
20. This literature is now vast; for a study focusing on early modern England, see, for example, Ole Peter Grell and Andrew Cunningham (eds.)i 'Religio medici': Medicine and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England (Aldershot, 1996).
21. As Caroline Bynum has observed, literalist interpretations of re-embodiment accompanied from the outset discussions of resurrection: see Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity.
22. Responses to Locke's account of personal identity and resurrection included Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted;
23. Thomas Beconsall, The Doctrine of a General Resurrection: Wherein the Identity of the Rising Body Is Asserted, against Socinians and Scepticks. In a Sermon Preach'd before the University, at St. Mary's in Oxford, on Easter-Monday, Apr. 5 (Oxford, 1697);
24. Philip Stubs, The Hopes of a Resurrection Asserted and Applied: In a Sermon Preached Decenib. 4. 1700 at the Interment of Mr. Thomas Wright, viherein Are Some Occasional Reflections on the Abuse of Funeral Sermons (London, 1701);
25. Samuel Parker, Essays on Divers Weighty and Curious Subjects: Particularly on Mr. Lock's and Sir William Temple's Notions (London, 1702)5
26. [Samuel Bold], A Discourse Concerning the Resurrection of the Same Body: With Two Letten Concerning the Necessary Immateriality of Created Thinking Substance (London, 1705);
27. William Lupton, The Resurrection of the Same Body: A Sermon Preach'd before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, on Easter-Monday, Apr. 2, 1711 (Oxford, 1711);
28. Winch Holdsworth, A Sermon Preached before the University of Oxford at St. Mary's on Easter-Monday, 1719 (Oxford, 1720);
29. Henry Felton, The Resurrection of the Same Numerical Body, and its Reunion to the Same Soul: Asserted in a Sermon Preached before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, on Easter-Monday, 1725 (London, 1725);
30. Robert D'Oyly, Four Dissertations... IV. Of the Resurrection of the Same Body (London, 1728);
31. Henry Felton, A Discourse Concerning the Universality and Order of the Resurrection: Seing a Sequel to That teherein Personal Identity Is Asserted (London, 1733).
32. Locke, Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. Nidditch, bk 2, ch. 27' (quotation at p. 335).
33. Ibid.
34. Ibid., 341.
35. Ibid., 340.
36. Ibid., 347.
37. Spectator, ed. Bond, iv, 575-9. The story narrated how, having learned from the dervish to shift his soul into a dead body, King Fadlallah entered the dead body of a deer. The dervish then took the opportunity to enter the now empty body of the king, thus preventing the king from taking it back. Not before shifting through a number of dead bodies and mistaken identities could Fadlallah recover his own body. The Thousand and One Days: Persian Tales had been translated in 1714 from the French edition of François Pétis de la Croix.
38. Locke, Essay Concerning Human understanding, ed. Nidditch, 340-1.
39. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 17.
40. See, for instance, Philip C. Almond, Heaven and Hell in Enlightenment England (Cambridge, 1994), 140-3.
41. See John Locke, A Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul to the Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans, Ephesians, ed. Arthur W. Wainwright, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1987), ii, 679-84.
42. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 4, 15.
43. Stubs, Hopes of a Resurrection Asserted and Applied, 17.
44. Felton, Resurrection of the Same Numerical Body, and its Reunion to the Same Soul, 23-4.
45. See also Felton, Discourse Concerning the Universality and Order of the Resurrection, 16. On the fear of recovering the wrong body,
46. see Roben Holmes, The Resurrection of the Body, Deduced from the Resurrection of Christ, and Illustrated from his Transfiguration: A Sermon Preached before the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, on Easter-Monday, March 31, 1777 (Oxford, 1777), 13-14.
47. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 4.
48. Samuel Clarke, for instance, was accused of Arianism for having suggested that, whilst the Father was the only supreme divinity, the Son and the Holy Ghost were subordinate beings with different roles: see Norman Sykes, From Sheldon to Seeker: Aspects of English Church History, 1660-1768 (Cambridge, 1959), 165 ff.
49. See also John Walsh and Stephen Taylor, 'Introduction: The Church and Anglicanism in the "Long" Eighteenth Century', in John Walsh, Colin Haydon and Stephen Taylor (eds.), The Church of England, C.1689-C.1833: From Toleration to Traaarianism (Cambridge, 1993), 46-7.
50. See D. P. Walker, The Decline of Hell: Seventeenth-Century Discussions of Eternal Torment (London, 1964), 67-72 and chs. 5-6.
51. John Marshall, 'Locke, Socinianism, "Socinianism", and Unitarianism', in M. A. Stewart (ed.), English Philosophy in the Age of Locke (Oxford, 2000), 112.
52. On late seventeenth-century debates on personal identity and the controversy over the Trinity, see Udo Thiel, 'The Trinity and Human Personal Identity', ibid.
53. Marshall, 'Locke, Socinianism, "Socinianism", and Unitarianism', 112 ff. See also Locke, Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul, ed. Wainwright, i, 37-8, 57-60 (editor's 'Introduction').
54. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 18.
55. Holdsworth, Sermon, 6.
56. Felton, Resurrection of the Same Numerical Body, and its Reunion to the Same Soul, 2.
57. See Marjorie Hope Nicolson, Mountain Gloom and Mountain Glory: The Development of the Aesthetics of the Infinite (Ithaca, 1959), esp. ch. 5;
58. Almond, Heaven and Hell, 110 ff. On the role of the deluge in sacred theories,
59. see Martin J. S. Rudwick, The Meaning of Fossils: Episodes in the History of Palaeontology, 2nd edn (New York, 1976), 78 ff.;
60. Roy Porter, The Making of Geology: Earth Science in Britain, 1660-1815 (Cambridge, 1977), 74-6.
61. Almond, Heaven and Hell, 120-1.
62. See Walker, Decline of Hell, 98-100;
63. Almond, Heaven and Hell, 129.
64. John Pearson, An Exposition of the Apostles Creed (London, 1659), 515.
65. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Humane Understanding, 6th edn, 2 vols. (London, 1710), i, 299-300.
66. Eighteenth-century editions of Locke's Essay added Locke's reply to Stillingfleet to the chapter 'Of Identity and Diversity'. 41 Ibid., 304.
67. Holdsworth, Sermon, 6.
68. See also [Edward Stillingfleet], The Bishop of Worcester's Answer to Mr. Locke's Second Letter: Wherein hii Notion of Ideas Is Prov'd To Be Inconsistent with It Self, and with the Articles of the Christian Faith (London, 1698), 34-5;
69. John Locke, Mr. Locke's Reply to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Worcester's Answer to his Second Letter (London, 1699), 168-71.
70. Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 211.
71. [Stillingfleet], Bishop of Worcester's Answer to Mr. Locke's Second Letter, 34-5.
72. Locke, Essay Concerning Humane Understanding (1710), i, 303.
73. Thomas Short, A Discourse Concerning the Causes and Effects of Corpulency, together with the Method for its Prevention and Cure (London, 1727), p. v.
74. On eighteenth-century accounts of corpulence, see. Lucia Dacome, '"Useless and Pernicious Matter": Corpulence in Eighteenth-Century England', in Christopher E. Forth and Ana Carden-Coyne (eds.), Cultures of the Abdomen: Diet, Digestion, and Fat in the Modern World (New York, 2005).
75. Cheyne was called 'Dr Diet' in Anon., Remarks on Cheyne's Essay of Health and Long Life: Wherein Some of the Doctor's Notorious Contradictions, and False Reasonings Are Laid Open, Together with Several Observations on the Same Subject, Rectifying Many of the Errors and Mistakes of that Performance, 3rd edn (Dublin, 1725), 7.
76. George Cheyne, The English Malady: or, A Treatise of Nervous Diseases of All Kinds, as Spleen, Vapours, Lawness of Spirits, Hypochondriacal, and Hysterical Distempers, &c (London, 1733), 325-32;
77. The Letters of Doctor George Cheyne to Samuel Richardson (1733-1743), ed. Charles F. Mullett (Columbia, Mo., 1943), 77.
78. On Cheyne's 'autopathography', see George S. Rousseau, 'Mysticism and Millenarianism: Immortal Dr. Cheyne', in Richard H. Popkin (ed.), Millenarianism and Messianism in English Literature and Thought, 1650-1800 (Leiden and New York, 1988);
79. Roy Porter, 'Introduction', in Roy Porter (ed.), George Cheyne: The English Malady (1733) (London, 1991);
80. Anita Guerrini, 'Case History as Spiritual Autobiography: George Cheyne's "Case of the Author"', Eighteenth-Century Life, xix (1995);
81. Anita Guerrini, Obesity and Depression in the Enlightenment: The Life and Times of George Cheyne (Norman, 2000).
82. George Cheyne, An Essay of Health and Long Life (London, 1724), p. xvi.
83. On the correlation between sin, suffering, punishment and hell in the early modern period, see Almond, Heaven and Hell, 81 ff.
84. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 467.
85. [Stillingfleet], Bishop of Worcester's Answer to Mr. Locke's Second Letter, 34.
86. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 468.
87. Robert Boyle, Some Physico-Theological Considerations about the Possibility of the Resurrection (London, 1675), 19-20, 29.
88. Robert Boyle, The [S]ceptical Chymit: or, Chymico-Physical Doubts & Paradoxes (London, 1661), 108-15.
89. On the relevance of Van Helmont's experiment for Boyle's considerations on resurrection, see Vidai, 'Brains, Bodies, Selves, and Science', 952-3.
90. Boyle, Some Physko-Theological Considerations, 22.
91. See Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 189-90;
92. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 457;
93. Robert Holmes, Four Tracts. . . IV. On the Resurrection of the Body (London, 1788), 15.
94. For an eighteenth-century evaluation of views of resurrection based on chemical arguments, see Fhilalethes, pseud. [John Gough], A Discourse Concerning the Resurrection Bodies (London, 1788), 7-8.
95. Ephraim Chambers, Cyclopaedia: or, An Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, 2 vols. (London, 1728), ii, 644, entry on 'Nutrition'.
96. Michael Dettelbach, '"A Kind of Unnean Being": Forster and Eighteenth-Century Natural History', in Johann Reinhold Forster, Observations Made during a Voyage Round the World, ed. Nicholas Thomas, Harriet Guest and Michael Dettelbach (Honolulu, 1996), p. Ivii.
97. Chambers, Cyclopaedia, ii, 1006-7, entry on 'Resurrection'.
98. Anita Guerrini, 'Newtonianism, Medicine and Religion', in Grell and Cunningham (eds.)i 'Religio undid', 294.
99. See James Keill, Essays on Several Parts of the Animal Oeconomy.. . Also, Medicina statica Britannien: or, Statical Observations, Made in England, by James Keill, M.D. Explained and Compared with the Aphorisms of Sanctorius, by John Quincy, M.D., 2nd edn (London, 1738), pp. x, xiv.
100. According to Guerrini, '"Newtonianism" designated no single set of concepts, no single ideology, but a constantly shifting dialogue among many, often conflicting, views of natural philosophy, medicine, religion, and polities': see Guerrini, Obesity and Depression, 38.
101. Guerrini, 'Newtonianism, Medicine and Religion', 294.
102. Ibid., 297.
103. Ibid., 301.
104. Insensible perspiration was conceived as an imperceptible secretion expelled through the pores of the skin. On the history of this notion, see E. T. Renbourn, 'The Natural History of Insensible Perspiration: A Forgotten Doctrine of Health and Disease', Medical Hist., iv (1960). On Sanctorius" views of penpiratio insensibilis,
105. see Jerome J. Bylebyl, 'Nutrition, Quantification and Circulation', Bull. History of Medicine, li (1977), 377-8.
106. Santorio Santorio, An Sanctorii Sanctorii de statica medicina, aphorismorum sectionibus sepum comprehensa (Venice, 1614). Sanctorius' Ars de statica medicina was divided into seven parts concerning the management of insensible perspiration, air and water, meat and drink, sleep and watching, exercise and rest, sexual activities and the affections of the mind.
107. In 1712, the apothecary John Quincy observed that 'not even any one of any note' had questioned Sanetorius' findings: see John Quincy, Medicina statica: Being the Aphorisms of Sanctorius, Translated into English with Large Explanations. Wherein Is Given a Mechanical Account of the Animal Oeconomy, and the Efficacy of the NonNaturals, either in Bringing About or Removing its Disorders: Also with an Introduction Concerning Mechanical Knowledge, and the Grounds of Certainty in Physick (London, 1712), preface.
108. On the retrial of Sanctorius' static experiments, see Lucia Dacome, 'Living with the Chair: Private Excreta, Collective Health and Medical Authority in the Eighteenth Century', Hiitory of Science, xxxix (2001).
109. Holdsworth, Sermon, 7;
110. Boyle, Some Physico-Theological Considerations, 16.
111. Thomas Secker, Disputatio medico inauguralis de medicina statica (Leiden, 1721).
112. See Thomas Seeker, The Autobiography of Thomas Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. John S. Macauley and R. W. Greaves (Lawrence, 1988),
113. See also John R. Guy, 'Archbishop Secker as a Physician', in W. J. Sheils (ed.), The Church and Healing: Papers Read at the Twentieth Summer Meeting and the Twenty-First Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society (Studies in Church Hist., xix, Oxford, 1982);
114. John R. Guy, 'De medicina statical Archbishop Thomas Secker, a Forgotten English latromechanist', in 2-volume special issue of Histoire des sciences médicales, xvii (1982), ii. My thanks to Robert G. Ingram for drawing my attention to Seeker's work on static medicine.
115. Stubs, Hopes of a Resurrection Asserted and Applied, 10-11.
116. Both Hody and D'Oyly took their BAs in Wadham College on 23 October 1679, and their MAs on 19 June 1682, and developed parallel careers in the college establishment until the early 1690s. Philip Stubs also overlapped with D'Oyly and Hody at Wadham College in the 1690s. See The Registers of Wadham College, Oxford, i, From 1613 to 1719, ed. Robert Barlow Gardiner (London, 1889), 308-10, 335-6.
117. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 458.
118. Ibid., 457.
119. Ibid., 457-9.
120. On early discussions of anthropophagy and resurrection, see Bynum, 'Material Continuity, Personal Survival, and the Resurrection of the Body', 56;
121. Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 31, 33, 55-6, 111-12, 263 and passim.
122. Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 184.
123. Chambers, Cyclopaedia, ii, 1007, entry on 'Resurrection'.
124. See Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 39, 41, 55-6, 80, 111 and passim.
125. See, for instance, Robert Comthwaite, The Romish Doctrine of Transubstantiation Impartially Considered: or, A Plain, Rational and Scriptural Defence of the Protestant Doctrine of the Eucharist. Wherein All the Subtilties of the Romish Church, which Relate to tfie Argument, Are Duly Examined and Fully Confuted (London, 1732). On the Eucharist in eighteenth-century England,
126. see Jeremy Gregory, Restoration, Reformation and Refomt, 1660-1828: Archbishops of Canterbury and their Diocese (Oxford, 2000), 262-70.
127. See Stephen Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory (Princeton, 2001), 240-2.
128. On the Eucharist and anthropophagy, see Claude Rawson, '"Indians" and Irish: Montaigne, Swift, and the Cannibal Question', Mod. Lang. Quart., liii (1992), esp. 314-18;
129. Frank Lestringant, Travels in Eucharistia: Formosa and Ireland from George Psalmanaazaar to Jonathan Swift', trans. Noah Guynn, in Françoise Jaouën and Benjamin Semple (eds.), Corps mystique, corps sacré: Textual Transfigurations of the Body from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Yale French Studies, Ixxxvi, New Haven, 1994).
130. The whole issue of early modern discussions of anthropophagy is, of course, very complex, and a detailed discussion would go beyond the scope of this article. However, it is worth recalling that historians and anthropologists have emphasized that the creation of the topos of the sheer otherness of the cannibal may not be separated from the fact that anthropophagy informed crucial European cultural tropes and social practices both at the level of the religious rite and at that of medical treatment: see, for instance, Karl H. Dannenfeldt, 'Egyptian Mumia: The Sixteenth Century Experience and Debate', Sixteenth Century Jl, xvi (1985);
131. Karen GordonGrube, 'Anthropophagy in Post-Renaissance Europe: The Tradition of Medicinal Cannibalism', American Anthropologist, xc (1988);
132. Richard Sugg, '"Good Physic but Bad Food": Early Modern Attitudes to Medicinal Cannibalism and its Suppliers', Social History of Medicine, xix (2006).
133. See also Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492-1797 (London and New York, 1986), 78-87;
134. Gananath Obeyesekere, '"British Cannibals": Contemplation of an Event in the Death and Resurrection of James Cook, Explorer', Critical Inquiry, xviii (1992);
135. William Eamon, 'Cannibalism and Contagion: Framing Syphilis in Counter-Reformation Italy', Early Science and Medicine, iii (1998);
136. Gananath Obeyesekere, Cannibal Talk: The Man-Eating Myth and Human Sacrifice in the South Seas (Berkeley, 2005).
137. Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 186-7.
138. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 23.
139. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 462-3.
140. Ibid., 463.
141. Hody's estimate was based on the consideration that the number of people living in the world at any one time was 300 million and that 'it appears by the Weekly Bills, that there are bom or die every Year about the Thirtieth Part of Mankind. Therefore Thirty Years must be allow'd for one Age*. See Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 193.
142. Ibid., 192-7.
143. Simon Schaffer, 'The Earth's Fertility as a Social Fact in Early Modern England', in Mikuláš Teich, Roy Porter and Bo Gustafsson (eds.), Nature and Society in Historical Context (Cambridge, 1997), esp. 130-2.
144. [Tobias Swinden], An Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell (London, 1714), 75-6. A German mile was about 25,000 feet or 7.5 km. On Swinden's otherworldly cosmology,
145. see Walker, Decline of Hell, 38-9. On the mapping of the afterlife in early modern England,
146. see also Peter Marshall, '"The Map of God's Word": Geographies of the Afterlife in Tudor and Early Stuart England', in Bruce ' Gordon and Peter Marshall (eds.), The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2000).
147. 9'At the end of the seventeenth century, for instance, John Aubrey included in his manuscript on education Samuel Foley's letter to the Royal Society concerning 'the application of mathematics to the ordinary concourse we have in the world': see Aubrey on Education: A Hitherto Unpublished Manuscript by the Author of 'Brief Lives', ed. J. E. Stephens (London, 1972), 141-52.
148. On quantitative arguments in the eighteenth century, see, for instance, Tore Frängsmyr, J. L. Heilbron and Robin E. Rider (eds.), The Quantifying Spirit in the Eighteenth Century (Berkeley, 1990);
149. M. Norton Wise (ed.), The Values of Precision (Princeton, 1995), pt 1.
150. Jeremiah Wainewright, A Mechanical Account of the Non-Naturals: Being a Brief Explication of the Changes Made in Humane Bodies, by Air, Diet, &c together with an Enquiry into the Nature and Use of Baths upon the Same Principles. To which is Prefix'd The Doctrin of Animal Secretion in Several Propositions (London, 1707), 5.
151. See Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity. This does not mean that the principle of the seed disappeared from the wider context of discussions on resurrection. On the seminal principle in eighteenth-century accounts of resurrection,
152. see Vidai, 'Brains, Bodies, Selves, and Science', 959-65;
153. Fernando Vidai, 'Extraordinary Bodies and the Physicotheological Imagination', in Lorraine Daston and Gianna Fomata (eds.), The Faces of Nature in Enlightenment Europe (Berlin, 2003), 86-90.
154. For an account of the correlation between clerical traditions of learning and the historical characterization of natural knowledge as a masculine domain, see David F. Noble, A World Without Women: The Christian Clerical Culture of Western Science (New York, 1992).
155. Philaret, pseud. [John Dunton?], An Essay Proving We Shall Know our Friends in Heaven, Writ by a Disconsolate Widower on the Death of his Wife, and Dedicated to her Dear Memory (London, 1698), 53.
156. Tertullian and Jerome had committed themselves to the survival of particular features. Augustine, as Caroline Bynum has remarked, 'considered in even greater detail than had Tertullian or Jerome questions about exactly what details of the earthly body reappear in heaven': Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 97-8.
157. R.P., An Essay Concerning the Resurrection of the Same Body: Deduced from Scripture, and the Writings of Divers Authors. With Occasional Remarks (London, 1735), 8.
158. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 21.
159. Parker, Essays, 6.
160. Beconsall, Doctrine of a General Resurrection, 21.
161. Hody, Resurrection of the (Same) Body Asserted, 188.
162. Ibid., 203.
163. D'Oyly, Four Dissertations, 464-5.
164. See Jonathan Sawday, The Body Emblazoned: Dissection and the Human Body in Renaissance Culture (London, 1995), ch. 4;
165. Ruth Richardson, Death, Dissection and the Destitute, 2nd edn (London, 2001), 29, 76-7
166. and passim. See also Peter Linebaugh, 'The Tyburn Riot against the Surgeons', in Douglas Hay et al. (eds.)i Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1975), 76.
167. 'Sacred anatomy' was related to the expectation of resurrection and was associated with the belief that the resurrected body coincided with the body of the saint: see Bynum, 'Material Continuity, Personal Survival, and the Resurrection of the Body', 79-80;
168. Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, ch. 8.
169. See also Piero Camporesi, The Incorruptible Flesh: Bodily Mutilation and Mortification in Religion and Folklore, trans. Tania Croft-Murray (Cambridge, 1988);
170. Katharine Park, 'The Criminal and the Saintly Body: Autopsy and Dissection in Renaissance Italy', Renaissance Quart., xlvii (1994);
171. Sawday, Body Emblazoned, 99-105;
172. Nancy G. Siraisi, Medicine and the Italian Universities, 1250-1600 (Leiden, 2001), ch. 15.
173. On different attitudes towards dissection and dismemberment in northern and southern Europe, see Katharine Park, 'The Life of the Corpse: Division and Dissection in Late Medieval Europe', Jl History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 1 (1995).
174. Bynum, Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 317 ff.
175. Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomical Renaissance: The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (Aldershot, 1997), 206-9.
176. Having graduated in Edinburgh in 1692, Keill continued his medical studies in Paris and Leiden. After teaching in Oxford he moved to Northampton, where he established a successful medical practice: see F. M. Valadez and C. D. O'Malley, 'James Keill of Northampton, Physician, Anatomist and Physiologist', Medical Hist., xv (1971), 318-23.
177. On private anatomical teaching in late seventeenthcentury Oxford, see Robert G. Frank, 'Medicine', in Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), The History of the University of Oxford, iv,
178. Seventeenth-Century Oxford (Oxford, 1997), 546-7;
179. Frances Valadez, 'Anatomical Studies in Oxford and Cambridge', in Alien G. Debus (ed.), Medicine in Seventeenth-Century England: A Symposium Held at UCLA in Honor of C. D. O'Malley (Berkeley, 1974), 397.
180. According to Keill, for instance, the beard was regarded as a sign of divine planning because it provided a way of distinguishing men from women, even 'if both were dressed in the same Habit': James Keill, The Anatomy of the Humane Body Abridg'd: or, A Short and Full View of All the Parts of the Body. Together with their Several Uses, Drawn from their Compositions and Structures, 2nd edn (London, 1703), 16;
181. quoted in Guerrini, 'Newtonianism, Medicine and Religion', 298.
182. By 1774, Keill's Anatomy had gone through twenty editions and 'was recommended in students' guides, such as NVaterland's Advice to a Young Student or Green's Scheme of Study, and also by some of the London anatomy teachers': see H. M. Sinclair and A. H. T. Robb-Smith, A Short History of Anatomical Teaching in Oxford (Oxford, 1950), 19-20.
183. In 1637, the very venue in which such defences were often articulated had been the object of controversy as the statue of the Virgin and Child in the doorway had been regarded as the proof of the chaplain's attachment to popery: see [William Combe et al.], A History of the University of Oxford, its Colleges, Halls, and Public Buildings, 2 vols. (London, 1814), ii, 243.
184. '"See G. V. Bennet, 'Loyalist Oxford and the Revolution', in L. S. Sutherland and L. G. Mitchell (eds.), The History of the University of Oxford, v,
185. The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1986);
186. G. V. Bennet, 'Against the Tide: Oxford under William IIP, ibid.;
187. Paul Kléber Monod, Jacobhism and the English People, 1688-1788 (Cambridge, 1989), esp. ch. 5.
188. E. E. Wilde, Ingatestone and the Essex Great Road with Fryerning (Oxford, 1913), 138;
189. Ian Yearsley, Ingatestone and Fryerning: A History (Romford, 1997), 47.
190. See R. J. J. Martin, 'Explaining John Freind's Hutory of Physick', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, xix (1988).
191. On the royal ritual, see Marc Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. J. E. Anderson (London, 1973);
192. Simon Schaffer, 'Regeneration: The Body of Natural Philosophers in Restoration England', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds.), Science Incarnate: Historical Embodiments of Natural Knowledge (Chicago and London, 1998);
193. Simon Werrett, 'Healing the Nation's Wounds: Royal Ritual and Experimental Philosophy in Restoration England', History of Science, xxxviii (2000).
194. Martin, 'Explaining John Freind's History of Physick'.
195. Ibid.,410ff.
196. Kenneth Dewhurst, Dr. Thomat Sydenham (1624-1689): His Life and Original Writings (London, 1966), 85.
197. After the Glorious Revolution, William III refused to perform the healing ritual and dismissed it as a superstitious practice: see Monod, Jacobitism, 127-32.
198. See [Catharine Trotter Cockburn], A Letter to Dr. Holdsuiorth, Occasioned by his Sermon Preached before the University of Oxford, on Easter Monday, Concerning the Resurrection of the Same Body: In which the Passages that Concern Mr. Lock are Chiefly Considered. By the Author of A Defence of Mr. Lock's Essay of Humane Understanding in Ansvier to Some Remarks on that Essay (London, 1726).
199. On Locke's tutoring of Shaftesbury, see Robert Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1671-1713 (Baton Rouge and London, 1984), 7-12.
200. See Lawrence E. Klein, Shaftesbury and the Culture of Politeness: Moral Discourse and Cultural Politics in Early Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 1994), chs. 3-4.
201. I-V]
202. V].
203. According to Shaftesbury, self-inspection was in fact 'a peculiar speculative Habit', and was equivalent to carrying about 'a sort of Pocket-Mirrour, always ready, and in use' so that 'whatever we were employ'd in, whatever we set about; if once we had acquired the habit of this Mirrour, we shou'd, by virtue of the double Reflection, distinguish our-selves into two different Partys': see Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury, Soliloquy (I. 3), in Complete Works, Selected Letters and Posthumous Writings, i, pt 1, ed. and trans. Gerd Hemmerich and Wolfram Benda (Stuttgart, 1981), 94.
204. V].
205. I].
206. Robert Hertz, 'A Contribution to the Study of the Collective Representation of Death', in his Death and the Right Hand, trans. Rodney and Claudia Needham (Aberdeen, 1960), 83. For a recent exploration of how '"discourses about the dead" provide particularly poignant and revealing points of entry' into how 'societies understood themselves, and how they articulated and negotiated religious, social, and cultural developments and conflicts' (ibid., 3), see Gordon and Marshall (eds.), Place of the Dead.