Rethinking the Moroccan parliament: The kingdom's legislative development imperative

Journal of North African Studies

Volumn 12, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 79-108

  Denoeux, Guilain P ^a   Desfosses, Helen R ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

LEGISLATION; POLITICS; REFORM PROCESS;

AFRICA; MOROCCO; NORTH AFRICA;

EID: 34347256175     PISSN: 13629387     EISSN: 17439345     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13629380601099526     Document Type: Article

References (25)

1. The growth in the parliamentary representation of the 'moderate Islamist' Party of Justice and Development (PJD) has contributed significantly to making the legislature a more dynamic, competent and assertive institution. The PJD's size in the lower house rose from nine seats between 1997 and 2002 to 42 since then. PJD MPs have taken their role as parliamentarians very seriously. They have shown themselves to be more effective than most of their colleagues in taking advantage of oral question sessions to force the government to account. They 'do their homework' and typically articulate clear and consistent positions on key issues. They act as a cohesive and disciplined bloc, and their strong attendance record contrasts sharply with that of a majority of MPs. They have improved parliamentary performance not only directly, through the activism and professionalism they have displayed, but also indirectly, increasing the pressure on other parties to 'step up to the plate' by displaying a similar level of commitment and work ethics.
2. Interview, Rabat, 8 August 2006. It was clear from the discussion that by 'politics' the MP actually meant policy-making, oversight, and the national debate over the issues that confront the country whole.
3. Interviews in Rabat and Casablanca, August 2006.
4. By comparison, for instance, the New York State Assembly, with 150 members, has 37 committees, the New York State Senate, with 61 members, has 34 committees.
5. The 'Productive Sectors' committee, for instance, covers agriculture, rural development, industry, fisheries, tourism, handicrafts, social economy, domestic trade, foreign trade, energy and mining. 'Social Sectors' commission deals with education, health, youth, sports, employment, social vocational training, family-related matters, welfare/ national solidarity, and handicapped-matters. See Article 30 of the Moroccan constitution, available at: www.mincom.gov.ma/french/prc.html (French version), or at: www.al-bab.com/maroc/gov/con96.htm (English version).
6. Since 1992, the constitution empowers either chamber of parliament to create 'fact-finding committees' in order to delve into a particular issue and provide parliament with the relevant information. Such committees, however, can only be created with the support of at least one-half of the members of one two houses. The king also can call upon parliament to create such a committee. See Article 42 Moroccan constitution.
7. In both chambers, it takes 20 members to create a caucus.
8. See L'Economiste, 31 July 2006, p. 3.
9. During the 1980s and 1990s, Sassi and Hafid were affiliated with the USFP (Hafid followed Sassi as of the party's youth wing, the Chabiba Ittihadia). Both became increasingly disillusioned with the limitations and shortcomings of the alternance experiment under former Prime Minister Abderrahmane Youssoufi (1998-2002), and both formally left the USFP in March 2001, at the VIth Congress party. Shortly thereafter, Sassi created a party known as Fidécelité à la démocratie (Loyalty to Democracy) while Hafid participated in the creation of the GSU (Unified Socialist Left). The PSU emerged in through a merger of the GSU and Fidélité à la démocratie. Sassi is a credible and visible political whose analyses and commentaries are frequently reported in the independent press. Hafid earned respect when he refused to join parliament after winning an election that had been rigged in his As Director of the Arabic-language weekly As-Sahifa, Hafid plays an important role in relaying perspectives on the political issues of the day.
10. Interview in Rabat, 8 August 2006.
11. Interviews in Rabat and Casablanca, 5-10 August 2006.
12. Interview with Nadia Salah, Casablanca, 7 August 2006.
13. Interview with Mohamed Tozy, Casablanca, 7 August 2006.
14. Interview with Nadia Salah, Casablanca, 7 August 2006.
15. The Chamber of Councillors is renewed by one-third every three years.
16. The Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc (Democratic Association of Moroccan or ADFM) was created in 1985.
17. The Union de l'Action Féminine (Union for Women's Action, or UAF) emerged in 1987.
18. Interview in Rabat, 10 August 2006.
19. For instance, these questions frequently run for too long (the allotted time is three minutes), a clear focus. Most of them easily could be stated without the long preliminaries which precede the core, substantive issues around which the actual question revolves. In addition, oral questions are concerned with specific service-delivery matters, and not enough of them broader public-policy concerns.
20. The leading role which the American Congress plays in initiating and drafting legislation exception, not the rule, among democracies.
21. Article 51 states that 'The proposals and amendments formulated by the members of Parliament receivable when, in relation to the state budget, their adoption either would result in a reduction revenues, or would create a new financial burden on the state or exacerbate an existing one'.
22. In that case, the issue will be decided by the Constitutional Council (six of the 12 members chosen by the king). 23. Interview in Rabat, 8 August 2006.
23. Interview in Rabat, 8 August 2006.
24. To be implemented, however, this recommendation may require a change in parliament's At the moment, those rules specify that the meetings of standing committees are closed though they may be open on an exceptional, ad-hoc basis. That rule should be reversed: Of standing committees should be open as a rule, and closed exceptionally, only whenever nature of the issues debated necessitates confidentiality.
25. This expression is used here to refer to those constituencies, professions and organisations likely to be impacted directly by parliament's activities, and which are also more prone to the institution.