Legitimate bounds and bound legitimacy. The act of allegiance to the ruler (bai'a) in 19th century Morocco

Welt des Islams

Volumn 41, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 287-310

  Dennerlein, Bettina ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 34347230810     PISSN: 00432539     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/1570060011164909     Document Type: Article

References (78)

1. See for example N. Cigar, "Conflict and community in an urban milieu: under the 'Alawis (ca. 1666-1830)". In: The Maghreb Review, 3 (1978) 10, pp. 3-13, 9
2. A. Laroui, Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830-1912). Paris 1977, p. 75
3. M. Tozy, Monarchie et islam politique au Maroc. Paris 1999, pp. 33 ff
4. The significance of the bai'a has also been underscored in anthropological studies (see for example C. Geertz, Islam observed. Religious development in Morocco and Indonesia. New Haven 1968, pp. 76 ff.)
5. M. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Grundriss der verstehenden Soziologie. Tübingen 1985, pp. 29 f., 122 ff
6. For this point of view in respect to Muslim legal and political thought, see A.K.S. Lambton, State and government in medieval Islam. Oxford 1981, pp. 13 ff
7. in respect to early Islamic history, see R.P. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and leadership in an early Islamic society. Princeton 1980
8. regarding Morocco's recent past and present, see G. Joffe, "Morocco: monarchy, legitimacy and succession." In: Third World Quarterly, (1988) 10, pp. 201-228
9. See E. Gellner, Muslim society. Cambridge 1981
10. A. Vinogradov/J. Waterbury, "Situations of contested legitimacy in Morocco: an alternative framework". In: Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1971) 1, pp. 32-59
11. For a critique of the model of the segmentary society as taken up by Gellner as well as of the notion of "Muslim society" in general, see A. Hammoudi, "Segmentarity, social stratification, political power and sainthood: reflections on Gellner's theses". In: Economy and Society, 9 (1980) 3, pp. 279-303
12. S. Zubaida, "Is there a Muslim society? Ernest Gellner's sociology of Islam". In: Economy and Society, 24 (1995) 2, pp. 151-188
13. On the legitimization of law and political rule in a comparative perspective, see WJ.G. Möhlig/T. v. Trotha (eds.), Legitimation von Herrschaft und Recht. La légitimation du pouvoir et du droit. Cologne 1994
14. On the origins of this term in French colonial research and for its critique, see V. Cornell, The realm of the saint. Power and authority in Moroccan Sufism. Austin 1998, pp. XXV-XXVII
15. D. Eickelman, Moroccan Islam. Tradition and society in a pilgrimage center. Austin, London 1976, pp. 23-29
16. A. Hammoudi, Master and disciple. The cultural foundations of Moroccan author itarianism. Chicago, London 1997, pp. 98-133
17. for the inverse interpretation (i.e., that the political constituted the basis of the religious), see H. Touati, Entre dieu et les hommes. Lettrés, saints et sorciers au Maghreb (17e siècle). Paris 1994, pp. 257 f
18. For a critique of the model of the segmentary society, see above. Besides, as far as pre-colonial Morocco is concerned, the image of the politically subdued city seems to be contradicted by historical study (see N. Cigar, Conflict and community, loc. cit
19. M. Morsy, "Comment décrire l'histoire du Maroc". In: Bulletin Economique et Social du Maroc, (1979) 138/139, pp. 121-143, 135 ff
20. A. Sebti, "Chroniques de la contestation citadine. Fès et la révolte des tanneurs (1873-1874)". In: Hespéris-Tamuda, 29 (1991) 2, pp. 283-312
21. J. Berque, Ulémas, fondateurs, insurgés du Maghreb: XVIIe siècle. Paris 1982
22. H. Elboudrari, "Quand les saints font des villes. Lecture anthropologique de la pratique sociale d'un saint marocain du XVIIe siècle". In: Annales E.S.C., 40 (1985) 3, pp. 489-508
23. H. Elboudrari, "Transmission du charisme et institutionnalisation: le cas de la 'Zâwiya' d'Ouezzane. Maroc, XVII-XIX siècles". In: Al-Qantara, 12 (1991) 2, pp. 523-536
24. M. Garcia-Arenal, "Sainteté et pouvoir dynastique au Maroc: la résistance de Fès aux Sa'adiens". In: Annales E.S.C., 45 (1990) 4, pp. 1019-1042
25. A. Hammoudi, "Sainteté, pouvoir et société: Tamgrout au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècle". In: Annales E.S.C., 35 (1980) 3-4, pp. 615-641
26. On political ritual in Islam, see J. Dakhlia, Le divan des rois. Le politique et le religieux dans l'Islam. Paris 1998, pp. 247-289
27. A. Al-Azmeh, Muslim kingship. Power and the sacred in Muslim, Christian and Pagan polities. London, New York 1997, p. 104
28. M. Lahbadi, Le gouvernement marocain àl'aube du XXe siècle. Rabat 1958, pp. 41-60
29. M. El Mansour, Morocco in the reign of Mawlay Sulayman. Wisbech 1990, pp. 88-92
30. see also M. al-Manūnī, Mazcombining dot belowāhir yaqazcombining dot belowat al-Magrib al-hcombining dot belowadītcombining macron below, Vol. I. Casablanca 1999, p. 378
31. M. Dāwūd, Tārīh Titcombining dot belowwān, Vol. III. Tétouan n.d., pp. 250ff., 258ff
32. A.b.Hcombining breve below. An-Nāscombining dot belowirī, Kitāb al-istiqscombining dot belowā li-ahcombining breve belowbār duwal al-Magcombining dot aboverib al-aqscombining dot belowa, part 8. Casablanca 1954-56, pp. 87-90. On the muküs, see below
33. For the relevant documents from the city of Fez, see 'A. b. Zaidän, al-'Izz wa-scombining dot below-scombining dot belowaula fī ma'ālim nuzcombining dot belowum ad-daula, Vol. I. Rabat 1961-62, pp. 370-373
34. Khalid Ben Sghir provided me a copy of the document used to support the declaration of 'Abdal'azïz' inability to rule. On the Hāfizīya, see E. Burke III, "La Hafidiya (août 1907-janvierl908): Enjeux sociaux et luttes populaires". In: Hespéris-Ta-muda, 31 (1993) 1, pp. 101-115
35. On the life and work of b. Zaidän, see M. aš- Šabbï, an-Nuhcombining breve belowba al-mahcombining breve belowzanīya fī l-qarn at-tasi' 'ašar. Rabat 1995, pp. 11-20
36. Contemporary interest in the bai'a has been significantly strengthened in the context of the question of the Western Sahara (see for example M. al-Manūnī, "Daur 'ulamā' al-manātiq as-sahrawīya fī tatcombining macron belowcombining macron belowbīt al-wahda al-watanīya". In: Wizārat al-Auqāf wa-š-Šu'ūn al-Islāmīya (ed.), al-Bai'a wa-l-hcombining breve belowiläfa fī 'l-islām. al-Muhammadīya 1994, Vol. I, pp. 305-313
37. On taxation in pre-colonial Morocco, see E. Michaux-Bellaire, "L'organisation des finances au Maroc". In: Archives Marocaines, 11 (1907), pp. 171-251
38. For a short résumé, see Sebti, Chroniques de la contestation, loc. cit., pp. 291 ff
39. Whereas b. Zaidān insists that an unnamed šarīf urged Banīs to proceed as soon as possible to collect the maks, an-Nascombining dot belowirī, a contemporary of the events in question, maintains that Banīs himself insisted on doing so, in spite of the warnings by the chief judge and other notables. For these accounts of the Fez rebellion, see A. b. Zaidān, Ithcombining dot belowāf a'lām an-nās bi-ǧamāl ahcombining breve belowbär hcombining dot belowādirat Miknās, Vol. II. Rabat 1929-1933, pp. 134-143 and 152 ff
40. On sanctuaries in pre-colonial Morocco, see M. El Mansour, "The sanctuary (hurm) in pre-colonial Morocco". In: R. Bourqia/S.G. Miller (eds.), In the shadow of the sultan. Cambridge 1999, pp. 49-73
41. th centuries)". In: The Maghreb Review, 22 (1997) 1-2, pp. 75-95
42. on the structure of Fasī society in pre-colonial Morocco, see Cigar, Conflict and Community, loc. cit
43. N. Cigar, "Socio-economic structures and the development of an urban bourgeoisie in pre-colonial Morocco". In: The Maghreb Review, 6 (1981) 3-4, pp. 55-76
44. for the list of people who signed the bai'a of Fez, see A. Ibn al-Hāǧǧ, al-Durar al-ǧauharīya fī madh al-hiläfa al-hasanīya (ms. 512, Bibliothèque Royale/al-Hcombining breve belowizāna al-Hasanīya, Rabat), Vol. I, pp. 24 f
45. For a similar interpretation of the Fez rebellion of 1820-22, see El Mansour, Morocco in the reign, loc. cit., pp. 184-217
46. On these campaigns during the reign of Mauläy al-Hasan, see D. Nordman, "Les expéditions de Moulay Hassan. Essai statistique". In: Hespéris-Tamuda, 19 (1980-1981), pp. 123-152
47. On the "moving ruler", see also J. Dakhlia, "Dans la mouvance du prince: la symbolique du pouvoir itinérant au Maghreb". In: Annales E. S. C., 43 (1988) 3, pp. 735-760
48. See for example A. b. Zaidān, lthcombining dot belowāf a'lām an-nās, loc. cit. p. 134
49. On the veneration of the Idrisid šurafā, see G. Salmon, "Le culte de Moulay Idris et la mosqueé des chorfa de Fès". In: Archives Marocaines, 3 (1905), pp. 413-429
50. On the city of Fez in general, see R. Le Tourneau, Fès avant le protectorat. Etude économique et social d'une ville de l'occident musulman. Casablanca 1949
51. on the Qarawīyīn, see J. Berque, "Ville et université. Aperçu sur l'histoire de l'Ecole de Fès". In: Revue historique du droit français et étranger, 274 (1949) 4, pp. 64-117
52. G. Delphin, Fas, son université et l'enseignement supérieur musulman. Paris 1889
53. On the economic role of Fez, see N. Michel, Une économie de subsistances. Le Maroc précolonial, 2 Vols, Cairo 1997
54. Cigar, Socio-economic structures, loc. cit
55. On the formerly rather rebellious character of the city of Fez, see Cigar, Conflict and community, loc. cit
56. On learned councils in Morocco under the Alawi dynasty, see A. al-Hāšimï al-Balgcombining dot aboveaitcombining macron belowī, al-Maǧālis al-'ilmīya as-sultānīya fi 'ahd ad-daula al-' alawīya aš-šarifa, 2 Vols. al-Muhammadīya 1996
57. Such a debate was held at a public meeting in Fez in 1873 (see above -summary of the Fez rebellion). On other occasions when this kind of meeting is organized, see B. Dennerlein, "Savoir religieux et débat politique au Maroc: Une consultation des gens de Fez en 1886". In: Hespéris-Tamuda (in print)
58. For the relevant hcombining dot belowadītcombining minus sign below, see A. Wensinck, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane Vol. I. Leiden 1936, p. 255
59. On exchanges with the sultan as well as on questions of distance and closeness, see A. Kilito, "Speaking to princes: Al-Yusi and Mawlay Isma'il". In Bourqia/ Miller (eds.), loc. cit., pp. 30-46
60. 2. It is interesting that, while gifts granted by the sultan were called silāt, a term that may be seen as referring to the bonds or links thus created, gifts to the sultan were usually simply called hadīya. On gift exchange in pre-colonial Morocco, see R. Bourqia, "Don et théatralité: réflexion sur le rituel du don (hadiyya) offert au Sultan au XIXe siècle". In: Hespéris-Tamuda, 31 (1993), pp. 61-75
61. on the various forms of payment of scholars and the role played by gifts from the sultan in this respect in pre-colonial Morocco, see A. Peretier, "Les madrasas de Fès". In: Archives Marocaines, 18 (1912), pp. 257-372
62. 2. On the Moroccan context, see 'A. b. Zaidān, al-'Izz wa-scombining dot below-scombining dot belowaula, loc. cit. Vol. I, p. 404
63. Zaidān, al-'Izz wa-scombining dot below-scombining dot belowaula, loc. cit., pp. 27 f
64. th century because of the changes in social structure that are assumed to have taken place during this period, like the growing importance of socioeconomic groups and more specifically the rise of a merchant class. See K. Brown, People of Salé. Tradition and change in a Moroccan city 1830-1930. Manchester 1976
65. D. Schroeter, Merchants of Essaouira: Urban society and imperialism in southwestern Morocco, 1844-1886. Cambridge 1988
66. On this notion in regard to contemporary legal debates, see B. Dupret, "La sharî'a comme réfèrent législatif: du droit positif à l'anthropologie du droit". In: Revue interdisciplinaire d'études juridiques, (1995) 34, pp. 99-135
67. E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman, Vol. II. Paris 1956
68. Similar formulae were used in texts written on the occasion of consultations, see Dennerlein, loc. cit. On the use and the interpretation of the term halīfa in medieval Islam, see Lambton, loc. cit., pp. 14, 46 ff., 86 f., 142, 186
69. A. Al-Azmeh has underscored the congruence between the caliphal and the royal in Sunni thought. He has also pointed to the religious connotations of the notion of mulk, which the Koran also uses as a divine attribute, see Al-Azmeh, loc. cit., p. 159
70. See also Abdallah Laroui on the hegemony of the religious description of the Moroccan polity (Laroui, loc. cit., p. 71)
71. A. Sebti, Aristrocratie citadine, pouvoir et discours savant au Maroc précolonial. Contribution à une relecture de la littérature généalogique fassie (XVe-début XXe siècles), thèse de doctorat de 3e cycle (Université de Paris VII), Paris 1984 (unpublished)
72. for a general historical statement, see H. Ferhat, "Ché rifisme et enjeux du pouvoir au Maroc". In: Onente Moderno, (1999) 2, pp. 473-483
73. On nascombining dot belowīhcombining dot belowa in the Moroccan context, see above. On the origins and interpretations of this term, see R. Badry, Die zeitgenössische Diskussion um den islamischen Beratungsgedanken (šūrā). Stuttgart 1998, pp. 55-66
74. These debates concerned subjects like non-Islamic taxes and military reform, relations with non-Muslim countries, and foreign protections. For the problems involved and the respective debates, see M. Kenbib, Les protégés: contribution à l'histoire contemporaine du Maroc. Rabat 1996
75. B. Simou, Les réformes militaires au Maroc de 1844 à 1912. Rabat 1995
76. For the relevant hadītcombining macron below literature, see Wensinck, loc. cit., Vol. IV, 1962, p. 254
77. Doc. no. 364 (al-Qasr al-Kabīr)
78. A helpful notion in this context is that of Basislegitimitäten, developed by von Trotha. See T. v. Trotha, "Streng, aber gerecht" - "hart, aber tüchtig". Über Formen von Basislegitimitä ten und ihre Ausprägungen am Beginn staatlicher Herrschaft. In: Möhlig/Trotha (eds.), loc. cit., pp. 70-88