The visible hand of neo-conservative capitalism

Millennium: Journal of International Studies

Volumn 35, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 245-278

  Drolet, Jean Francois ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 34249814049     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/03058298070350020101     Document Type: Article

References (158)

1. Leo Strauss, 'Notes on Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political', in Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996 [1932]), 92.
2. See Janine Brodie, 'New State Forms, New Political Spaces', in States against Markets: The Limits of Globalization, ed. R. Boyer and D. Drache (London: Routledge, 1996);
3. Jane Jenson, R. Mahon and M. Bienefeld (eds.), Production, Space, Identity: Political Economy Faces the 21st Century (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1993). The notion of forms of state was first introduced by Robert Cox in his 'Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory', Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 10, no. 2 (1981).
4. See, for instance, Peter Steinfels, The Neo-conservatives (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979);
5. Mark Gerson, The Neo-conservative Vision: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993);
6. Murray Friedman, The Neo-conservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
7. On Irving Kristol's influence in neo-conservative circles since the late 1960s see Christopher DeMuth and William Kristol (eds.), The Neo-conservative Imagination: Essays in Honour of Irving Kristol (Washington: American Enterprise Institute, 1995).
8. See, for instance, Alan Wolfe, 'A Fascist Philosopher Helps Us Understand Contemporary Politics', The Chronicle Review, 2 April 2004;
9. Earl Shorris, 'Ignoble Liars: Leo Strauss, George Bush and the Philosophy of Mass Deception', Harpers Magazine, June 2004;
10. Jeffrey Steinberg, 'Leo Strauss, Fascist and Godfather of Neo-Cons', Executive Intelligence Review, 21 March 2003. For more interesting but, in my opinion, overly polemical and theoretically underspecified accounts of the Schmitt-Strauss-neo-conservative connection see Shadia Drury, Leo Strauss and the American Right, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 2006);
11. Anne Norton, Leo Strauss and the Politics of American Empire (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 2005). The 2002 National Security Strategy of the United States of America is available online at http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.html (accessed 2 September 2006).
12. See, for instance, John McCormick, 'Political Theory and Political Theology: The Second Wave of Carl Schmitt in English', Political Theory, 26, no. 6 (1996);
13. Heinrich Meier (ed.), Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss: The Hidden Dialogue, trans. J.H. Lomax (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1995);
14. Kenneth L. Deutsch and John A. Murley (eds.), Leo Strauss, the Straussians and the American Regime (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1999);
15. Ted V. McAllister, The Revolt against Modernity: Leo Strauss, Eric Voegelin, and the Quest for a Postliberal Order (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1995);
16. Robert Devigne, Recasting Conservatism: Oakeshott, Strauss and the Response to Postmodernism (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1994). Schmitts critique of liberalism is also said to have travelled to America through the work of other German emigrants such as Hans Morgenthau. and Hannah Arendt. See William Scheuerman, 'Another Hidden Dialogue: Hans Morgenthau and Carl Schmitt', in Carl Schmitt: The End of Law (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999), 225-1;
17. Martti Koskenniemmi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 415-22 and 437-40;
18. Richard Wolin, 'Carl Schmitt: The Conservative Revolution and the Aesthetics of Horror', in Labyrinths: Explorations in the Critical History of Ideas (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), 105 and 117.
19. Francis Fukuyama, After the Neo-cons: America at the Crossroads (London: Profile Books, 2006), 13-14.
20. Irving Kristol, 'The Neo-conservative Persuasion: What it Was, and What it Is', in Neo-conservatism, ed. Irwin Stelzer (London: Atlantic Books, 2004), 33.
21. For a good overview see Mark Gerson, The Essential Neo-conservative Reader (New York: Perseus Books, 1996). See also Gary Dorrien, The Neo-conservative Mind (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993);
22. Michael Williams, 'What Is the National Interest? The Neo-conservative Challenge in IR Theory', European Journal of International Relations, 11, no. 3 (2005): 310-14.
23. The term 'embedded liberalism' was coined by John Gerard Ruggie drawing upon Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Times (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957 [1944]). See Ruggie,'International Regimes, Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order', International Organization, 36 (1982).
24. Adam Wolfson, 'Conservatives and Neo-conservatives', in Neo-conservatism, ed. Stelzer, 216. On neo-liberalism as a political project see Gerard Dumenil and Dominique Levy, Capital Resurgent: Roots of the Neo-liberal Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004);
25. David Harvey, A Brief History of Neo-liberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
26. See, for instance, Commentary Symposium, 'Capitalism, Socialism and Nihilism', Commentary, April 1978;
27. Irving Kristol, Two Cheers for Capitalism (New York: Basic Books, 1978);
28. George Gilder, Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1981);
29. Peter Berger, The Capitalist Revolution: Fifty Propositions about Prosperity, Equality, and Liberty (New York: Basic Books, 1986);
30. and Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1991).
31. Gerson, The Neo-conservative Vision, 199.
32. This is, of course, the main thesis of Daniel Bell's famous work The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (New York: Basic Books, 1978).
33. Irving Kristol, '"When Virtue Loses All her Loveliness" - Some Reflections on Capitalism and the "Free Society"', in On the Democratic Idea in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 90.
34. Ibid., 92.
35. Ibid., 92-3.
36. Ibid., 93-4.
37. Ibid.
38. It should be noted that Kristol's interpretation of Hayek can be contested on various grounds. For an alternative interpretation see John Gray, Hayek on Liberty (New York: Routledge, 1998).
39. Friederich Von Hayek, Economic Freedom and Representative Government, Occasional Paper no. 39 (London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1973), 14.
40. Ibid.
41. Friedrich von Hayek, cited in Kxistol, 'When Virtue Loses All her Loveliness', 95.
42. Kristol, 'When Virtue Loses All her Loveliness', 97-8.
43. Ibid., 96-7.
44. See Michel Foucault, Naissance de la biopolitique: Cours au collège de France, 1978-1979 (Paris: Seuil, 2004), chs 5-12.
45. Kristol, 'When Virtue Loses All her Loveliness', 102.
46. On the neo-liberal state as a 'transmission belt' between the global economy and the national economies see Robert Cox, Power, Production and World Order (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), ch. 7.
47. Kristol, 'When Virtue Loses All her Loveliness', 99-101.
48. Ibid., 102.
49. Ibid., 102-3.
50. See, for instance, Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol (eds.), The American Commonwealth (New York: Basic Books, 1976);
51. Jeane Kirkpatrick, 'Neo-conservatism as a Response to the Counter-Culture', in Stelzer, Neo-conservatism, 233-40;
52. M.J. Crozier, S. Huntington and Joji Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission (New York: New York University Press, 1975), ch. 3.
53. Barbara Cruikshank,'Cultural Politics: Political Theory and the Foundations of Democratic Order', in Cultural Studies and Political Theory, ed. Jodi Dean (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 69.
54. Ibid., 79.
55. It should be noted, however, that some neo-conservatives are not as 'anti-welfare' as neo-liberals tend to be and still believe that some'compassionate' forms of welfare provision are desirable. I am grateful to Michael Williams for this point.
56. Jeane Kirkpatrick, Dictatorship and Double Standards: Rationalism and Reason in Politics (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983), 194-5.
57. Irving Kristol, 'The American Revolution as a Successful Revolution', in Neo-conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (New York: Free Press, 1995), 246.
58. Irving Kristol, 'Utopianism, Ancient and Modern', in Neo-conservatism, 186.
59. Ibid., 197.
60. Ibid., 195-6, italics original.
61. Richard Devetak, 'Incomplete States: Theories and Practices of Statecraft', in Boundaries in Question: New Directions in International Relations, ed. John Macmillan and Andrew Linklater (London: Macmillan Press, 1995), 21-2.
62. Jürgen Habermas, 'Neo-conservative Cultural Criticism in the United States and West Germany', and 'The New Obscurity' in The New Conservatism (Cambridge: Polity, 1985). See also Steinfels, The Neo-conservatives, 55.
63. By enlisting victims of capital in support of capitalism, this disjuncture of the spheres has worked as a key strategy to steal votes away from the Democratic Party. See Bruce Robbins, 'Disjoining the Left: Cultural Contradictions of Anticapitalism', Boundary, 26, no. 3 (1999), 33. See also Michael C. Williams, Culture and Security: Symbolic Power and the Politics of International Security (London: Routledge, 2007), 107-112.
64. For an excellent analysis of how a similar rearticulation of interests took place under the Thatcher Government in Britain in the 1980s see Stuart Hall, 'The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism among the Theorists', in Justice and Identity: Antipodean Practices, ed. C. Nelson and L. Grossberg (Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, 1988).
65. Gertrude Himmelfarb, The De-Moralization of Society: From Victorian Virtues to Modern Values (New York. Vintage, 1996), 236.
66. Cruikshank, 'Cultural Politics', 70. See also Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom: Reframing Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 182-4.
67. Irving Kristol, Reflections of a Neo-conservative: Looking Back, Looking Ahead (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1983), 76.
68. Irving Kristol, cited in Gerson, The Neo-conservative Mind, 269. See also, Irving Kristol, 'A Conservative Welfare State', in Stelzer, Neo-conservatism.
69. See, for instance, Michael Novak, The American Vision (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978), 13;
70. Bell, The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, 26.
71. See, for instance, Herbert J. Gans, The War against the Poor: The Underclass and Antipoverty Policy (New York: Basic Books, 1995);
72. Frances Piven and Richard Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Vintage Books, 1993);
73. and Michael B. Katz, The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on the Welfare (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989). For a recent comparative study which highlights the distinctively punitive character of American welfare policies see Alberto Alesina and Edward Glaeser, Fighting Poverty in the US and Europe: A World of Difference (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).
74. See, for instance, James Q. Wilson and Richard J. Herrnstein, Crime and Human Nature: The Definitive Study of the Causes of Crime (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985);
75. William J Bennett, The Devaluing of America: The Fight for Our Culture and Our Children (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995). See also Daniel Patrick Moynihan, 'Defining Deviancy Down', The American Scholar (Winter 1993);
76. and Charles Krauthammer, 'Defining Deviancy up: The New Assault on Bourgeois Life', The New Republic (22 November 1993).
77. Martin Gilens, Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). See also Christopher Jencks, Rethinking Social Policy: Race, Poverty and the Underclass (Harvard, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992);
78. Michael B. Katz, The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State (New York: Henry Holt, 1998).
79. See, for instance, M. Tonry, Malign Neglect: Race, Crime, and Punishment in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995);
80. J. Yates, 'Racial Incarceration Disparity among States', Social Science Quarterly, 78 (1997): 1001-10;
81. G.S. Bridges, R. Crutchfield and E.E. Simpson, 'Crime, Social Structure and Criminal Punishment: White and Nonwhite Rates of Imprisonment, Social Problems, 34 (1987): 345-61;
82. P.I. Jackson and L. Carroll, 'Race and the War on Crime: The Sociopolitical Determinants of Municipal Police Expenditures', American Sociological Review, 46 (1981): 290-305.
83. Bruce Western, 'Politics and Social Structure in The Culture of Control', Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 7, no. 2 (2004): 36.
84. David Garland, The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 100-1;
85. Fred Halliday, The Making of the Second Cold War (London: Verso, 1986), 110-12;
86. Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers (eds.), The Hidden Election (New York. Pantheon Books, 1981). Indeed, one of the main characteristics of the 'Reaganomics' of the 1980s is that it has redistributed income from the poor to the rich by reinvesting the money saved through welfare retrenchments into arms production and other such capital-intensive industries. See Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, The New Class War: Reagan's Attack on the Welfare State and its Consequences (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982).
87. Garland, The Culture of Control, 101.
88. Ibid., 98.
89. Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. G. Simpson (New York: Free Press, 1933);
90. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish (London: Penguin, 1991).
91. See, for instance, Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), and Ulrich Beck, Risk Society (London: Sage Publications, 1992).
92. William Connolly, 'The Will, Capital Punishment, and Culture War', in Dean, Cultural Studies, 36.
93. Ibid., 37.
94. See McCormick, 'Political Theory and Political Theology'; David Dyzenhaus, 'Leviathan in the 1930s: The Reception of Hobbes in the Third Reich', in Confronting Mass Democracy and Industrial Technology: Political and Social Theory From Nietzsche to Habermas, ed. John P, McCormick (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2002);
95. Michael C. Williams, 'The Hobbesian Theory of International Relations: Three Traditions', in Classical Theory in International Relations, ed. Beate Jahn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 272-76.
96. Carl Schmitt, The Leviathan in the State Theory of Thomas Hobbes: Meaning and Failure of a Political Symbol, trans. George Schwab and Erna Hilfstein (Westport, CT. Greenwood Press, 1996). See also Dyzenhaus, 'Leviathan in the 1930s', 171-9;
97. John McCormick, 'Fear, Technology, and the State: Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss, and the Revival of Hobbes in Weimar and National Socialist Germany', Political Theory, 22, no. 4 (1994): 619-52. On the exchange between Schmitt and Strauss see Meier, Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss; McCormick, 'Political Theory and Political Theology'.
98. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. C.B. Macpherson (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1986), 478.
99. Schmitt, The Leviathan, 55-63. See also Dyzenhaus, 'Leviathan in the 1930s', 171-9.
100. On this particular issue in Hobbes see Michael C. Williams, The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), ch.1;
101. Corey Robin, Fear: The History of a Political Idea (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), ch.1. See also Iain Hampsher-Monk, A History of Political Thought: Major Political Thinkers from Hobbes to Marx (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1993), ch.1.
102. Thomas Hobbes, cited in Robin, Fear, 28.
103. Schmitt, The Leviathan, 55-63. See also, Dyzenhaus, 'Leviathan in the 1930's', 176-7.
104. Schmitt, The Leviathan, 85.
105. Jef Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, Migration and Asylum in the EU (London: Routledge, 2006), 140. See also Göran Dahl, Radical Conservatism and the Future of Politics (London: Sage, 1999), 56-8;
106. Wolin, 'Carl Schmitt'.
107. George Schwab, The Challenge of the Exception (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1970), 67;
108. Chantal Mouffe, 'Carl Schmitt and the Paradox of Liberal Democracy', in The Challenge of Carl Schmitt, ed. C. Mouffe (London and New York: Verso, 1999), 49.
109. See, especially, Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (London: MIT Press, 1985 [1922]), and The Concept of the Political. See also John P. McCormick, Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism: Against Politics as Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1997), ch. 3.
110. See Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity, 132-41.
111. Dyzenhaus, Legality and Legitimacy, 218-58;
112. Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity, 133-5.
113. John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), xvi-xvii.
114. James Q. Wilson, 'How Divided Are We?', Commentary, 121, no. 2 (2006). See also Williams, 'What Is the National Interest?'
115. Leo Strauss, 'Notes on Carl Schmitt', 91.
116. For a very good exposition of the exchange between Strauss and Schmitt on this particular issue in Hobbes see McCormick, 'Fear, Technology, and the State'.
117. Ibid., 103. This particular citation is in fact a reformulation of Schmitt's original thesis on the nature of the political. It captures Strauss's appreciation of Schmitt's thesis as well as the essence of his disagreement with its original formulation. Strauss's reformulation has had a significant impact on Schmitt's subsequent work, especially on his book on Hobbes. See Meir, Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss. It should also be noted that this particular statement became one of the founding propositions of Straussian political philosophy. On the impact of Schmitt on Strauss see John Gunnell, 'Strauss before Straussianism: Reason, Revelation and Nature', The Review of Politics, 53, No.1 (1991): 70.
118. Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, 46-7.
119. Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 147. See also Steven B. Smith, Reading Leo Strauss: Politics, Philosophy, Judaism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 117 and 195-6.
120. See Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of Germanic Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961).
121. Although many neo-conservatives refused to endorse legislation to reintroduce general conscription in 2003, in the light of the difficulties in Iraq, the neo-conservative think tank Project for the New American Century (PNAC) addressed a letter to Congress in January 2005 demanding that the government takes 'the steps necessary' to increase the size of the 'active duty Army and Marine Corps, together, of at least 25,000 troops each year over the next several years'. Although it is not stated explicitly, it is difficult not to read the PNAC's appeal to Article 1, Section 8 of the US Constitution which, as the PNAC letter states, 'places the power and the duty to raise and support the military forces of the United States in the hands of the Congress', as a nod in the direction of the military draft. The letter is posted on the PNAC website at http://www.newamericancentury.org/ defense-20050128.htm. (accessed 2 December 2006). For recent examples of neo-conservative celebrations of martial virtues see Robert Kaplan, Warrior Politics (New York: Warrior Politics, 2003);
122. Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 2002).
123. McCormick, 'Fear, Technology and the State', 630.
124. William Kristol and Robert Kagan, 'Towards a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy', Foreign Affairs, no. 75 (July/August 1996): 31-2.
125. Ronald Reagan cited in James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet (New York: Viking, 1994), 94.
126. For an excellent interpretation of the neo-conservative critique of realism which has influenced my own reading see Michael Williams, The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 199-201;
127. 'The National Interest, 322-4; and Culture and Security, 112-114.
128. Lawrence F. Kaplan and William Kristol, The War over Iraq: Saddam's Tyranny and America's Mission (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2003), 46.
129. Irving Kristol, Reflections of a Neo-conservative: Looking back, Looking ahead (New York: Basic Books Inc., 1983), xiv.
130. Ibid., xiii.
131. William Kristol and Robert Kagan, 'Introduction: National Interest and Global Responsibility, in Present Dangers, ed. Kristol and Kagan (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2000), 23-4.
132. Irving Kristol, 'American Intellectuals and Foreign Policy', in On the Democratic Idea, 81. See also Joshua Muravchik, Exporting Democracy: Fulfilling America's Destiny (Washington, DC: AEI Press, 1992), 19-37;
133. Kristol and Kagan, 'Introduction: National Interest'; Williams, 'What Is the National Interest?', and Culture and Security, 112-114.
134. For an influential interpretation of this argument see Robert Kagan, Of Paradise and Power. America and Europe in the New World Order (London: Penguin Books, 2003). See also, Francis Fukuyama, 'Does "the West" Still Exist?', in Beyond Paradise and Power: Europe, America and the Future of a Troubled Partnership, ed. Tod Lindberg (New York and London: Routledge, 2005), 137-62.
135. Kristol and Kagan, 'Towards a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy', 20. See also Williams, 'The National Interest', and Culture and Security, 114-117.
136. Ibid., 31.
137. Rose, The Powers of Freedom, 253.
138. For an influential theoretical treatment of this particular issue see Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Danile Heller-Roazen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998).
139. Irving Kristol, cited in Corey Robin, 'The Ex-Cons: Right-Wing Thinkers Go Left', Lingua Franca, February 2001, 32.
140. Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, 38.
141. Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (London: Penguin, 1993).
142. Allan Bloom, 'Response to Fukuyama', National Interest, 16 (Summer 1989).
143. Norman Podhoretz, 'World War IV. How it Started, What it Means, and Why we Have to Win it', Commentary (September 2004).
144. David Brooks, 'The Age of Conflict', The Weekly Standard (5 November 2001).
145. George W. Bush, Presidential Address, Fort Hood, 3 January 2003. Online at http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/01/20030103.html (accessed 19 March 2006).
146. Irving Kristol, 'My Cold War', in Neo-conservatism, 486.
147. For a good discussion on the aestheticisation of politics see Martin Jay, 'The "Aesthetic Ideology" as Ideology: Or What Does it Mean to Aestheticize Politics', Cultural Critique, no. 21 (1992): 41-61.
148. On vitalism and the politicisation of aesthetic judgements in Schmitt see Wolin, 'Carl Schmitt'; Dahl, Radical Conservatism, 6-58;
149. and Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity, 138-41.
150. Dahl, Radical Conservatism, 57.
151. Jay, 'The "Aesthetic Ideology"', 74.
152. Slavoj éiûek, 'Carl Schmitt in the Age of Post-Politics', in The Challenge of Carl Schmitt, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London and New York: Verso, 1999), 24-37.
153. Norman Podhoretz, cited in Gary Dorrien, The Neo-conservative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology (Philadelphia: Templeton University Press, 1993), 346 and 355.
154. See, for instance, John Ikenberry, 'The End of the Neo-Conservative Moment', Survival, 46, no.1 (2004): 7-22; Fukuyama, After the Neo-cons.
155. Andrew Bacevich, 'Bases of Debate: America in Central Asia: Steppes to Empire', The National Interest (Summer 2002), 4.
156. See, for instance, Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Rise and Fall and the American Empire (London: Penguin, 2005);
157. David Harvey, The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). The term 'benevolent empire' was coined by Robert Kagan. See his 'The Benevolent Empire', Foreign Policy (Summer 1998).
158. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America.