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Volumn 35, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 279-300

Superfluous humanity: An Arendtian perspective on the political evil of global poverty

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EID: 34249812709     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/03058298070350021001     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (18)

References (108)
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    • For applications of Arendt's work to the related issue of violence in international politics, see Iris Marion Young, 'Violence against Power: Critical Thoughts on Military Intervention', in Ethics and Foreign Intervention, ed. Deen K. Chatterjee and Don E. Scheid (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 251-73, and Patricia Owens, 'Hannah Arendt, Violence, and the Inescapable Fact of Humanity, in Hannah Arendt and International Relations, ed. Anthony F. Lang, Jr. and John Williams (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 41-65.
    • For applications of Arendt's work to the related issue of violence in international politics, see Iris Marion Young, 'Violence against Power: Critical Thoughts on Military Intervention', in Ethics and Foreign Intervention, ed. Deen K. Chatterjee and Don E. Scheid (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 251-73, and Patricia Owens, 'Hannah Arendt, Violence, and the Inescapable Fact of Humanity, in Hannah Arendt and International Relations, ed. Anthony F. Lang, Jr. and John Williams (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 41-65.
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    • The Three Phases of Arendt's Theory of Imperialism
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    • On this point see also, ed. Ron H. Feldman New York: Grove Press
    • On this point see also Hannah Arendt, 'Eichmann in Jerusalem: An Exchange of Letters between Gershorn Scholem and Hannah Arendt, in The Jew as Pariah: Jewish Identity and Politics in the Modern Age, ed. Ron H. Feldman (New York: Grove Press, 1978), 245.
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    • To avoid misunderstanding, it should be noted that I'm not claiming any kind of moral equivalence between genocidal politics and extreme global poverty; one is not 'as evil' as or simply analogous to the other. Rather they are different forms or orders of political evil imposed upon human beings treated as thoroughly superfluous, although they may overlap or be mutually reinforcing.
    • To avoid misunderstanding, it should be noted that I'm not claiming any kind of moral equivalence between genocidal politics and extreme global poverty; one is not 'as evil' as or simply analogous to the other. Rather they are different forms or orders of political evil imposed upon human beings treated as thoroughly superfluous, although they may overlap or be mutually reinforcing.
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    • Ibid., 36-7.
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    • Ibid., 165. The UN's Human Development Report 2005 remarks that more 'than 40% of the world's population constitute, in effect, a global underclass', 24.
    • Ibid., 165. The UN's Human Development Report 2005 remarks that more 'than 40% of the world's population constitute, in effect, a global underclass', 24.
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    • June, all data and quotations in the following paragraph are taken from this report
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    • For further discussion of the multifaceted (economic, environmental, cultural, social, and political) nature of vulnerability confronting poor societies and individuals therein, see, London: Pluto Press
    • For further discussion of the multifaceted (economic, environmental, cultural, social, and political) nature of vulnerability confronting poor societies and individuals therein, see Peadar Kirby, Vulnerability and Violence: The Impact of Globalisation (London: Pluto Press, 2006).
    • (2006) Vulnerability and Violence: The Impact of Globalisation
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    • A Global Resources Dividend
    • ed. David A. Crocker and Toby Linden Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, emphasis added
    • Thomas Pogge, 'A Global Resources Dividend', in Ethics of Consumption: The Good Life, Justice, and Global Stewardship, ed. David A. Crocker and Toby Linden (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998), 531, n. 12; emphasis added.
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    • Pogge argues for a cosmopolitan approach to redistribution by focusing on the extent to which individuals are interdependent within the global economy. One of the shortcomings of this argument is that it places too great an emphasis on some notion of reciprocal advantage. I would suggest instead that all individuals should be considered the proper subjects of distributive justice regardless of their contribution to the global political economy, given the large numbers of global poor that are made'redundant' by that very economic system. While a number of important questions about distributive justice connect with the overall discussion here, it is beyond the aim of this article to discuss them directly. Suffice it to say that charity cannot satisfy the demands of justice: 'Charity is an option, that is true, but charity does not touch the sources of evil. For that it would take political measures, Rüdiger Bittner, Morality and World Hunger, in Global Justice, ed. Thomas
    • Pogge argues for a cosmopolitan approach to redistribution by focusing on the extent to which individuals are interdependent within the global economy. One of the shortcomings of this argument is that it places too great an emphasis on some notion of reciprocal advantage. I would suggest instead that all individuals should be considered the proper subjects of distributive justice regardless of their contribution to the global political economy, given the large numbers of global poor that are made'redundant' by that very economic system. While a number of important questions about distributive justice connect with the overall discussion here, it is beyond the aim of this article to discuss them directly. Suffice it to say that charity cannot satisfy the demands of justice: 'Charity is an option, that is true, but charity does not touch the sources of evil. For that it would take political measures.' Rüdiger Bittner, 'Morality and World Hunger', in Global Justice, ed. Thomas Pogge (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 30.
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    • Pogge, for instance, proposes a Global Resource Dividend, which taxes the extraction of resources for the benefit of developing countries. He calculates that it would take only 1.2 per cent of the high-income economies, or about $312 billion annually, to eliminate the aggregate shortfall of those living on less than $1 per day from the $2 threshold. See Pogge, World Poverty and Human Rights, 7 and 196-215.
    • Pogge, for instance, proposes a Global Resource Dividend, which taxes the extraction of resources for the benefit of developing countries. He calculates that it would take only 1.2 per cent of the high-income economies, or about $312 billion annually, to eliminate the aggregate shortfall of those living on less than $1 per day from the $2 threshold. See Pogge, World Poverty and Human Rights, 7 and 196-215.
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    • For a thoughtful discussion of Arendt and the relation between political injustice and invisibility, see Danielle Allen,'Invisible Citizens: Political Exclusion and Domination in Arendt and Ellison, in Political Exclusion and Domination, ed. Melissa S. Williams and Stephen Macedo New York: New York University Press, 2005, 29-76
    • For a thoughtful discussion of Arendt and the relation between political injustice and invisibility, see Danielle Allen,'Invisible Citizens: Political Exclusion and Domination in Arendt and Ellison', in Political Exclusion and Domination, ed. Melissa S. Williams and Stephen Macedo (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 29-76.
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    • Arendt, The Human Condition, 241. Bauman refers to this condition as the social nature of evil, in Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca, NY Cornell University Press, 1989), 166-8.
    • Arendt, The Human Condition, 241. Bauman refers to this condition as the social nature of evil, in Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca, NY Cornell University Press, 1989), 166-8.
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    • Compare Arendt's claim: 'The sad truth of the matter is that most evil is done by people who never made up their minds to be or to do either evil or good', The Life of the Mind (New York and London: Harcourt Brace, 1971), 180.
    • Compare Arendt's claim: 'The sad truth of the matter is that most evil is done by people who never made up their minds to be or to do either evil or good', The Life of the Mind (New York and London: Harcourt Brace, 1971), 180.
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    • This aspect of Arendt's thinking relates closely to her emphasis on plurality as a constitutive ground of human affairs; see, especially, The Human Condition
    • This aspect of Arendt's thinking relates closely to her emphasis on plurality as a constitutive ground of human affairs; see, especially, The Human Condition.
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    • Hannah Arendt, 'Personal Responsibility under Dictatorship', Responsibility and Judgment, 18-27. For an excellent treatment of Arendt on this point see Jennifer Nedelsky, 'Judgment, Diversity, and Relational Autonomy', in Judgment, Imagination, and Politics: Themes from Kant and Arendt, ed. Ronald Beiner and Jennifer Nedelsky (Lanham, NID: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 103-20.
    • Hannah Arendt, 'Personal Responsibility under Dictatorship', Responsibility and Judgment, 18-27. For an excellent treatment of Arendt on this point see Jennifer Nedelsky, 'Judgment, Diversity, and Relational Autonomy', in Judgment, Imagination, and Politics: Themes from Kant and Arendt, ed. Ronald Beiner and Jennifer Nedelsky (Lanham, NID: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 103-20.
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    • Recognized and Violated by International Law: The Human Rights of the Global Poor
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    • (2005) Leiden Journal of International Law , vol.18 , Issue.4 , pp. 718
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    • On Violence
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    • Hannah Arendt, 'Collective Responsibility', Responsibility and Judgment, 147. For a useful treatrnent of this issue see Andrew Schaap, 'Guilty Subjects and Political Responsibility: Arendt, Jaspers and the Resonance of the German Question in Politics of Reconciliation', Political Studies 49, no. 4 (2001): 749-66.
    • Hannah Arendt, 'Collective Responsibility', Responsibility and Judgment, 147. For a useful treatrnent of this issue see Andrew Schaap, 'Guilty Subjects and Political Responsibility: Arendt, Jaspers and the Resonance of the "German Question" in Politics of Reconciliation', Political Studies 49, no. 4 (2001): 749-66.
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    • The Jew as Pariah, 233.
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    • Slavery and the Human Right to Evil
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    • (2004) Journal of Human Rights , vol.3 , Issue.1 , pp. 64
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    • Hannah Arendt, 'On Humanity in Dark Times: Thoughts about Lessing', Men in Dark Times (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1968), 16. Arendt notes in this essay (14) that counteracting the 'worldlessness' that results from persecution and exploitation cannot be achieved simply by having compassion for 'the unfortunate' but by establishing 'justice for all'.
    • Hannah Arendt, 'On Humanity in Dark Times: Thoughts about Lessing', Men in Dark Times (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1968), 16. Arendt notes in this essay (14) that counteracting the 'worldlessness' that results from persecution and exploitation cannot be achieved simply by having compassion for 'the unfortunate' but by establishing 'justice for all'.
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    • A New Guarantee on Earth: Hannah Arendt on Human Dignity and the Politics of Human Rights
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    • A Meaningful Place in the World: Hannah Arendt on the Nature of Human Rights
    • see also
    • see also Serena Parekh, 'A Meaningful Place in the World: Hannah Arendt on the Nature of Human Rights', Journal of Human Rights 3, no. 1 (2004): 41-53.
    • (2004) Journal of Human Rights , vol.3 , Issue.1 , pp. 41-53
    • Parekh, S.1
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    • Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, 376. For more on the 'right to have rights' see Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 49-69.
    • Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, 376. For more on the 'right to have rights' see Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 49-69.


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