Art, ancestors, and the origins of writing in China

Representations

Volumn 56, Issue , 1996, Pages 68-95

  Keightley, David N ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 34248795144     PISSN: 07346018     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/rep.1996.56.1.99p0343q     Document Type: Review

References (45)

1. David N. Keightley, Sources of Shang History: The Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Bronze Age China (Berkeley, 1978), 46-47
2. Boltz, Origin and Early Development, 16-17
3. See, e.g., David N. Keightley, "Ping-ti Ho and the Origins of Chinese Civilization," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 37 (1977): 389-91
4. John DeFrancis, "Chinese Prehistorical Symbols and American Proofreaders' Marks," Journal of Chinese Linguitics 19, no. 1 (1991): 116-21
5. David N. Keightley, "Legitimation in Shang China" (paper presented to the Conference on Legitimation of Chinese Imperial Regimes, 15-24 June 1975, Asilomar, California)
6. David N. Keightley, "The Religious Commitment: Shang Theology and the Genesis of Chinese Political Culture," History of Religions 17 (1978): 211-25
7. Ji Dewei, "Zhongguo zhi zhengshi zhi yuanyuan: Shang wang zhanbu shifou yiguan zhengchue?" Guwenzi yanjiu 13 (1986): 117-28; Keightley, "Origins of Historical Rectitude."
8. On the question of royal literacy, see David N. Keightley, "Were the Shang Kings Literate? Some Speculations," The Society for Asian Art Newsletter 32, no. 3 (Spring 1993): 4-5
9. Meyer Fortes, "Some Reflections on Ancestor Worship in Africa," in M. Fortes and G. Dieterlen, eds., African Systems of Thought (Oxford, 1965), 125, 133
10. Chang Yuzhi, Shangdai zhouji zhidu (Beijing, 1987), 221-25, 234, 249, 260, 290, provides detailed calendrical reconstructions
11. It is, perhaps, no coincidence that later connoisseurs of calligraphy were to describe calligraphic brush strokes in terms of bone, flesh, muscle, and blood; see, e.g., Chiang Yee, Chinese Calligraphy: An Introduction to Its Aesthetic and Technique, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), 163-65
12. Wu Hung, "Bird Motifs in Eastern Yi Art," Orientations 16, no. 10 (October 1985): 30-41
13. David N. Keightley, "Archaeology and Mentality: The Making of China," Representations 18 (Spring 1987): 91-128
14. On the conventions of Egyptian canonical art, see too Hare, "Supplementary," 41
15. William Watson, Style in the Arts of China (Harmondsworth, 1974), 25-52
16. For the technological constraints that bronze casting imposed on bronze decor, see Robert W. Bagley, Shang Ritual Bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Washington, D.C., 1987), 37-42
17. Louisa G. Fitzgerald Huber, "The Traditions of Chinese Neolithic Pottery," Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 53 (1981): 125, 126 n. 18
18. An Zhimin, "Guanyu Liangzhu wenhua de ruogan wenti - wei jinian Liangzhu wenhua faxian wushi zhounian er zuo," Kaogu 1988, no. 3: 240 (fig. 21), 241 (fig. 3), 244
19. Xueqin, "Liangzhu Culture and the Shang Dynasty Taotie Motif," in Roderick Whitfield, ed., The Problem of Meaning in Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes (London, 1992), 56-66
20. Du Jinpeng, "Shuo huang," Wenwu 1994, no. 7: 60-61
21. Wu Hung, Monumentality, 28-44, provides an excellent introduction to the Liangzhu sites and their artifacts
22. Huang Xuanpei, "China's Neolithic Jade Ware," in Ritual and Power: Jades of Ancient China (New York, 1988), 11-12
23. Du Jinpeng, "Shuo huang."
24. See, e.g., Hayashi Minao, "Chûgoku kodai no ibutsu ni arawasareta 'ki' no zuzôteki hyôgen," Tôhô gakuhô 61 (1989): 41
25. Li Xueqin, "Liangzhu Culture," 64. He notes that what he calls the eyes "are actually always the same as those of the animal which is the primary element in the motif."
26. Jiang Song, "Liangzhu wenhua de guanxing qi," Kaogu 1994, no. 4: 343-44
27. For so-called demon masks showing beak points, see Du Jinpeng, "Shuo huang," 59
28. E.g., Wu Hung, "Bird Motifs," 30-41
29. David N. Keightley, "The Eastern Yi: Archaeological and Textual Evidence" (paper presented to the Association for Asian Studies meetings, Chicago, 21 March 1986)
30. Zhang Minghua, " Liangzhu yufu shitan," 34
31. I derive the vocabulary and argument here from Hare, "Supplementary, " 19-20, 34, who refers in turn to the work of Roland Teflin
32. Boltz, Origin and Early Development, 106-7. He deduces (108) a second reading of ?(r)an for the element, whose primary reading was nü
33. E.g., Li Xueqin, "Lun xinchu Dawenkou wenhua taoqi fuhao," Wenwu 1987, no. 12: 75-80, 85
34. For the view that the Hongshan pig-dragon was a fertility symbol, see Elizabeth Childs-Johnson, "Jades of the Hongshan Culture: The Dragon and Fertility Cult Worship," Arts Asiatiques 46 (1991): 91-93
35. See Edward Schafer, The Divine Woman: Dragon Ladies and Rain Maidens in T'ang Literature (Berkeley, 1973), 13-14
36. Cecilia Lindqvist, China: Empire of Living Symbols (New York, 1991), 177-78
37. On these jades, see Doris J. Dohrenwend, "Jade Demonic Images from Early China," Ars Orientalis 10 (1975): 55-78
38. Wu Hong, "Yizu zaoqi de yushi diaoke," Meishu yanjiu 1979, no. 1: 64-70
39. See the various articles in Wenwu 1989, no. 1
40. On the distinction between the "nonrepresentational" eye motif and the "representational" eye with canthi, see Ladislav Kesner, "The Taotie Reconsidered: Meanings and Functions of Shang Theriomorphic Imagery," Artibus Asiae 51, no. 1-2 (1991): 36 n. 57
41. See, e.g., Zhongguo shehui kexueyan kaogu yanjiusuo, Yinxu yuqi, figs. 82, 87, 88
42. Keightley, "Religious Commitment."
43. See, e.g., Cyril Stanley Smith, A Search for Structure: Selected Essays on Science, Art, and History (Cambridge, Mass., 1981)
44. Cyril Stanley Smith, Seventy-Two Objects Illustrating the Nature of Discovery (Cambridge, Mass., 1981)
45. Jerry Norman, Chinese (Cambridge, 1988), 257-64