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Volumn 35, Issue 3, 2007, Pages 253-287

Citizenship as inherited property

Author keywords

Citizenship; Equality of opportunity; Global justice; Intergenerational transfer; Property

Indexed keywords


EID: 34248571555     PISSN: 00905917     EISSN: 15527476     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0090591707299808     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (75)

References (113)
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    • The complete list is too long to cite. Some of the most influential contributors to this body of literature include: Brian Barry, Rainer Baubock, Seyla Benhabib, Linda Bosniak, Allen Buchanan, Joseph Carens, David Held, Robert Goodin, Will Kymlicka, David Miller, Margaret Moore, Bhikhu Parekh, and Rogers Smith, among others.
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    • note
    • In theory, other levels of governance (those "above" or "below" the state level) can fulfill this enforcement function. However, in a world where states still enjoy significant power over respective territories, they offer a reliable system of law and governance for enforcing property rights.
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    • Calabresi and Melamed distinguish between property, liability, and inalienablity rules as offering different degrees of alienbility and transfer of such entitlements. See Guido Calabresi and A. Douglas Melamed, "Property Rules, Liability Rules, and Inalienability: One View of the Cathedral," Harvard Law Review 85 (1972), 1089-1128.
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  • 25
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    • note
    • Our usage of the term "scarcity" here refers to the unmet demand placed upon this precious good by those who currently do not enjoy access to it. This scarcity is at least in part constructed by the very citizenship laws that we criticize here.
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    • Schneiderman v. United States, 320 U.S. 118, 122 (1943).
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    • Human rights as property rights
    • The distinction that we develop here between the narrow and broad conceptions draws upon C. B. Macpherson's classic writings on property, in particular, his essay on "Human Rights as Property Rights," Dissent 24 (1977), 72-77.
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    • This conception is famously traced back to Blackstone's Commentaries, in which Blackstone stated that property empowers the right-holder to "total exclusion ... of any other individual in the universe." See William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England Vol. 2. (1979, reproduction 1766 edition), 2.
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    • note
    • The use of "property" up until roughly the seventeenth century correlated with the broad conception, as explained by Macpherson in "Property."
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    • This conception of property as trusteeship is best expressed in the civic-republican tradition. See e.g.. Cass Sunstein. "Beyond the Republican Revival," Yale Law Journal 97 (1988), 1539-1590.
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    • note
    • We make this statement as a descriptive observation of the reality we find in practice, not as normative judgment about whether or not this is a desirable state of affairs.
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    • note
    • The security that attaches to full membership is thought to nourish our sense of identity and belonging, with important "returns" in terms of our ability to fully exercise our autonomy and freedom.
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    • note
    • Clearly, acquisition of citizenship status per se is no guarantee against the persistence of inequalities between members of the same polity. But it does anchor certain basic interests as non-revocable once a person is counted in the innermost circle of members.
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    • (Cambridge University Press), Nussbaum makes explicit the claim that these capabilities ought to be fulfilled by governments
    • Martha Nussbaum, Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach (Cambridge University Press, 2000). Nussbaum makes explicit the claim that these capabilities ought to be fulfilled by governments.
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    • note
    • Importantly, we are not relying here on the historical precedent of treating ownership of real property as a precondition for full membership in the polity. As is well recorded, such reliance has worked to drastically restrict access to citizenship, excluding the vast majority of the population from full inclusion as equals. Our focus is different: we are exploring the conceptual and functional analogies between the regimes of protected property and bounded citizenship.
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    • This strict pattern of transfer often put women at the precarious situation of reliance on marriage as the core means for ensuring financial security and social respectability (in a highly stratified society) for themselves and their children. In this respect, the entail was part of a larger system of laws that regulated monogamy, patriarchy, and inheritance. Of the vast body of feminist critique of this hierarchical social order, see e.g., Eileen Spring, Law, Land and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300 to 1800 (University of North Carolina Press, 1993).
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    • We draw this argument from the elegant analysis offered by Orth, "After the Revolution."
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    • Act of Oct. 1776, ch. XXVI, reprinted in ed. William Waller Hening (J & G Cochran)
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    • Obviously, at this time the definition of eligibility for inclusion in the body-politic was itself deeply laden with race and gender-based exclusions. Full membership was reserved exclusively for "free white persons." See Rogers M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (Yale University Press, 1997).
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    • This perpetual structure of hereditary transfer also appears to violate the common-law rule against "perpetuities," which has been in effect for centuries, dating back to at least the 1682 decision in the Duke of Norfolk's Case.
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    • note
    • This notion is perhaps best captured in Henry Maine's and later Emile Durkheim's "from status to contract" typology.
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    • This is not the place to fully expand the critique of world citizenship. For an initial discussion, see Ayelet Shachar, "Birthright Citizenship as Inherited Property: A Critical Inquiry," Identities, Affiliations, and Allegiances, ed. Seyla Benhabib, Ian Shapiro and Danilo Petranovich (Cambridge University Press, 2007), 257-281.
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    • Even an ultra-libertarian like Robert Nozick accepts this point; see his critical discussion of intergenerational transfers in The Examined Life: Philosophical Mediations (Simon and Schuster, 1989), 30-31.
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    • 283-345.
    • Ronald Dworkin, "What is Equality? Part 1: Equality of Welfare," and "What is Equality? Part 2: Equality of Resources," Philosophy and Public Affairs 10 (1981): 185-246; 283-345. While we must be many things that we don't choose, when it comes to entitlements, inequality in most spheres has been challenged.
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    • Equality and equality of opportunity for welfare
    • Dworkin's work has generated a vibrant discussion on "luck egalitarianism," see e.g., Richard J. Arneson, "Equality and Equality of Opportunity for Welfare," Philosophical Studies 56 (1989), 77-93;
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    • What is the point of equality
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    • Note that such responsibility to compensate for people's brute luck accrues only to "that part of others' good fortune that is undeserved." See Anderson, "What is the Point of Equality," at 290. Similarly, windfall beneficiaries will be asked to contribute that part of their good fortunate that is "undeserved" to compensate those who remain outside, though it is obviously difficult to quantify these components.
    • What Is the Point of Equality , pp. 290
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    • Isbister, Capitalism and Justice, 102. This obligation may be discharged by a stream of periodic payment with the same expected overall lifetime value; we thank Barbara Fried for calling our attention to this point.
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    • note
    • Our proposal differs from "natural resource" global taxation proposals such as Steiner's or Pogge's - that must begin with the assumption that the whole world once belonged to all as the basis for reallocation (Steiner's argument) or apply globally the Rawlsian difference principle (Pogge's argument). The birthright privilege levy, on the other hand, targets the artificiality and inevitability legally constructed process of determining who is a citizen by birth - in the processes aiming to "de-naturalize" this very construction.


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