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Volumn 31, Issue 4, 2007, Pages 132-161

From prediction to learning: Opening experts' minds to unfolding history

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EID: 34248366547     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: 15314804     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/isec.2007.31.4.132     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (30)

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    • See Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, "Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision under Risk," in Kahneman and Tversky, Choices, Values, and Frames, pp. 17-43;
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    • and Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, Advances in Prospect Theory: Cumulative Representation of Uncertainty, in Kahneman and Tversky, Choices, Values, and Frames, pp. 44-66.
    • and Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, "Advances in Prospect Theory: Cumulative Representation of Uncertainty," in Kahneman and Tversky, Choices, Values, and Frames, pp. 44-66.
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    • Poking Counterfactual Holes in Covering Laws: Cognitive Styles and Historical Reasoning
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    • and Philip E. Tetlock and Richard Ned Lebow, "Poking Counterfactual Holes in Covering Laws: Cognitive Styles and Historical Reasoning," American Political Science Review, Vol. 95, No. 4 (December 2001), pp. 829-843.
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    • The exact wording was as follows: Please mark on the scales below your judgment of the likelihood that in the next 1 year and 5 years: (1) There will be a serious attempt to overthrow Kim Jong II that fails. The attempt may fail for a variety of reasons. For example, the secret police and military get advance notice of the coup plan and crush it. Or it could fail even though the coup plotters had the advantage of surprise because units that were loyal to Kim Jong II were strong enough to resist the challenge, 2) In the next 1 year and 5 years there will be a serious attempt to overthrow Kim Jong II that succeeds. This might occur in a variety of ways. For example, senior military officers who are unhappy with the lack of resources for the military and the dangers of reform given Kim Jong Il's weak leadership might seize control of the government. Or it might result from reformist elements in the government who decide that Kim Jong II is not moving fast enough with reform and, to
    • The exact wording was as follows: "Please mark on the scales below your judgment of the likelihood that in the next 1 year and 5 years: (1) There will be a serious attempt to overthrow Kim Jong II that fails. The attempt may fail for a variety of reasons. For example, the secret police and military get advance notice of the coup plan and crush it. Or it could fail even though the coup plotters had the advantage of surprise because units that were loyal to Kim Jong II were strong enough to resist the challenge. (2) In the next 1 year and 5 years there will be a serious attempt to overthrow Kim Jong II that succeeds. This might occur in a variety of ways. For example, senior military officers who are unhappy with the lack of resources for the military and the dangers of reform given Kim Jong Il's weak leadership might seize control of the government. Or it might result from reformist elements in the government who decide that Kim Jong II is not moving fast enough with reform and, to avoid economic collapse, seize control of the government."
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    • Jack S. Levy, "Prospect Theory, Rational Choice, and International Relations," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 87-112;
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    • Richard K. Herrmann, "Image Theory and Strategic Interaction in International Relations," in Sears, Huddy, and Jervis, Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology, pp. 285-314;
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    • Beyond the Enemy Image and Spiral Model: Cognitive-Strategic Research after the Cold War
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    • and Richard K. Herrmann and Michael P. Fischerkeller, "Beyond the Enemy Image and Spiral Model: Cognitive-Strategic Research after the Cold War," International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Summer 1995), pp. 415-450.
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    • Did North Korea Cheat? Weapons of Mass Destruction
    • For the arguments in the Korean case, see, January/February
    • For the arguments in the Korean case, see Selig S. Harrison, "Did North Korea Cheat? Weapons of Mass Destruction," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 1 (January/February 2005), pp. 99-110;
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    • Red-Handed: Dead to Rights
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    • and Mitchell B. Reiss and Robert Gallucci, "Red-Handed: Dead to Rights," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 84, No. 2 (March/April 2005), pp. 142-145.
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    • Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wolhforth, Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War: Reevaluating a Landmark Case for Ideas, International Security, 25, No. 3 (Winter 2000/ 01), pp. 5-53;
    • Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wolhforth, "Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War: Reevaluating a Landmark Case for Ideas," International Security, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Winter 2000/ 01), pp. 5-53;
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    • and Stephen G. Brooks and William C. Wohlforth, "Economic Constraints and the End of the Cold War," in Wohlforth, ed., Cold War Endgame: Oral History, Analysis, Debates (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2003), pp. 273-309.
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    • On the military decline, see William E. Odom, The Colapse of the Soviet Military (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
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    • See Central Intelligence Agency
    • See Central Intelligence Agency, World Factbook, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/index.html.
    • World Factbook
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    • For assessments of North Korea's economy, see Bank of Korea, Bukhan Gyengjhe Jeongchekui Byunhwawa Hyanghoo Jeonmang - Gageyokul Jungsimuro [Changes and prospects in the economic policy of North Koreal, Finance and Economy Research, 220 (June 2005), pp. 2-43;
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    • and Suhk Sam Park, "Measuring and Assessing Economic Activity in North Korea," in Korea Economic Institute, ed., Korea's Economy, 2002 (Washington, D.C.: Korea Economic Institute, 2002).
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    • Ecological Crisis and the Quality of Life in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)
    • For human resources, see, Chung-in Moon, ed, Seoul: Yonsei University Press
    • For human resources, see Peter Hayes and David Von Hippel, "Ecological Crisis and the Quality of Life in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)," in Chung-in Moon, ed., Understanding Regime Dynamics in North Korea (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1998), p. 143;
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    • North Korean Refugees in Northeast China
    • November/ December
    • and Andrei Lankov, "North Korean Refugees in Northeast China," Asian Survey, Vol. 44, No. 6 (November/ December 2004), pp. 856-873.
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    • Identity and Security in Korea
    • March
    • and Roland Bleiker, "Identity and Security in Korea," Pacific Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (March 2001), pp. 121-148.
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    • The Cold War and Its Transition for Koreans: Their Meaning from a Constructivist Viewpoint
    • For other ideas about nationalism in the North and South, see, Chung-in Moon, Odd Arne Westad, and Gyoo-hyoung Kahng, Seoul: Yonsei University Press
    • For other ideas about nationalism in the North and South, see Chae Sung Chun, "The Cold War and Its Transition for Koreans: Their Meaning from a Constructivist Viewpoint," in Chung-in Moon, Odd Arne Westad, and Gyoo-hyoung Kahng, Ending the Cold War in Korea: Theoretical and Historical Perspective (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 2001), pp. 115-145;
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    • The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea
    • October
    • Gi-Wook Shin, James Freda, and Gihong Yi, "The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea," Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 5, No. 4 (October 1999), pp. 465-484;
    • (1999) Nations and Nationalism , vol.5 , Issue.4 , pp. 465-484
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    • The Politics of Nationalism in U.S.-Korean Relations
    • December
    • and Gi-Wook Shin and Paul Y. Chang, "The Politics of Nationalism in U.S.-Korean Relations," Asian Perspective, Vol. 28, No. 4 (December 2004), pp. 119-145.
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    • For South Korean perspectives on the ideology of juche and the popularity of the first Kim regime in North Korea, see Dae-Sook Suh, Kim Il Sung: The North Korean Leader (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988);
    • For South Korean perspectives on the ideology of juche and the popularity of the first Kim regime in North Korea, see Dae-Sook Suh, Kim Il Sung: The North Korean Leader (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988);
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    • How to estimate the potential for mobilization has been a perennial problem for other analysts as well. A.F.K. Organski and Jacek Kugler provide one of the few strategies in this regard. They divide the revenues actually extracted through direct and indirect taxes by their estimate of the expected revenues extracted based on a series of economic factors they say enhance or complicate government extraction. See Organski and Kugler, The War ledger Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980
    • How to estimate the potential for mobilization has been a perennial problem for other analysts as well. A.F.K. Organski and Jacek Kugler provide one of the few strategies in this regard. They divide the revenues actually extracted through direct and indirect taxes by their estimate of the expected revenues extracted based on a series of economic factors they say enhance or complicate government extraction. See Organski and Kugler, The War ledger (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).
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    • Power Analysis and World Politics: New Trends versus Old Tendencies
    • See also, January
    • See also David A. Baldwin, "Power Analysis and World Politics: New Trends versus Old Tendencies," World Politics, Vol. 31, No. 2 (January 1979), pp. 163, 175-180;
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    • Rethinking Future Paths on the Korean Peninsula
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    • Chung Min Lee, "Rethinking Future Paths on the Korean Peninsula," Pacific Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2004), pp. 249-270;
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    • The Coming Crisis in Korea: A Rubicon Crossed
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    • For interpretations of the recent North Korean decision to pursue a nuclear weapons capability as a way to force the issue, see Cha and Kang, Nuclear North Korea, pp. 81-86;
    • For interpretations of the recent North Korean decision to pursue a nuclear weapons capability as a way to force the issue, see Cha and Kang, Nuclear North Korea, pp. 81-86;
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    • Jung-Hoon Lee and Chung-in Moon, "The North Korean Nuclear Crisis Revisited: The Case for a Negotiated Settlement," Security Dialogue, Vol. 34, No. 2 (June 2003), pp. 135-151;
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    • David Baldwin, Power and International Relations, in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse, and Beth A. Simmons, eds., Handbook of International Relations (London: Sage, 2002), pp. 177-191, at pp. 178-179.
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    • Winter
    • Sang Soo Lee, "Bukhan Ingwonbup ae Natanan Miguk Dongbuka Ahnbojeongchek Byunhwa" [U.S. policy toward Northeast Asia according to North Korea human rights bill], Gukga Jeolyak, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Winter 2004), pp. 5-31;
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    • The Bush Doctrine and Asian Regional Order: The Pitfalls of Preemption
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    • For South Korean perspectives on China's role in the North Korean nuclear crisis, see Jae Ho Chung, "South Korea between Eagle and Dragon: Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma," Asian Survey, Vol. 41, No. 5 (September-October 2001), pp. 777-796;
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    • See Anne Wu, "What China Whispers to North Korea," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Spring 2005), pp. 35-48.
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    • American Hegemony and East Asian Order
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    • G. John Ikenberry, "American Hegemony and East Asian Order," Australian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 58, No. 3 (September 2004), pp. 353-367;
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    • For emphasis on neo-Confucian cultural norms, see David C. Kang, "Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytic Frameworks," International Security, Vol. 27, No. 4 (Spring 2003), pp. 57-85.
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    • For South Korean perspectives that Washington will see China as a threat and contain it, see Dal Joong Chang and Soo Ho Lim, "Bush Hengjeongbu Paegwonjeolyakgwa Dongasiaui Ahnbo Dilemma" [Bush administration's hegemonic strategy and the security dilemma in East Asia], Gukga Jeolyak, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Summer 2004), pp. 5-33;
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    • The Correlates of War project, for instance, compiles a linear index of total population, urban population, energy consumption, iron and steel production, military expenditures, and troops under arms. For a review of this measure and others, see Richard L. Merritt and Dina A. Zinnes, Alternative Indexes of National Power, in Stoll and Ward, Power in World Politics, pp. 11-28.
    • The Correlates of War project, for instance, compiles a linear index of total population, urban population, energy consumption, iron and steel production, military expenditures, and troops under arms. For a review of this measure and others, see Richard L. Merritt and Dina A. Zinnes, "Alternative Indexes of National Power," in Stoll and Ward, Power in World Politics, pp. 11-28.
  • 155
    • 34248375211 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Ray S. Cline adds size of population and territory to gross national product and military troops under arms and multiplies this total by the sum of strategic purpose and will. How to measure these two multipliers is not well developed. Cline, The Power of Nations in the 1990s: A Strategic Assessment (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1995).
    • Ray S. Cline adds size of population and territory to gross national product and military troops under arms and multiplies this total by the sum of strategic purpose and will. How to measure these two multipliers is not well developed. Cline, The Power of Nations in the 1990s: A Strategic Assessment (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1995).
  • 156
    • 34248364795 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Klaus Knorr measured gross national product, mineral resources (giving special credit for oil), and man-made capital and technology, including spending on research and development. Knorr, The Power of Nations: The Political Economy of International Relations (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 52-55. Stephen Brooks and William Wohlforth emphasize a number of interfirm alliances, geographic dispersion of production, and direct foreign investment, while paying special attention to eight industries: microelectronics, computers, aerospace, telecommunications, transportation, new materials, biotechnology, and chemicals. They do not explain how to reach a net assessment. Brooks and Wohlforth, Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War.
    • Klaus Knorr measured gross national product, mineral resources (giving special credit for oil), and man-made capital and technology, including spending on research and development. Knorr, The Power of Nations: The Political Economy of International Relations (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 52-55. Stephen Brooks and William Wohlforth emphasize a number of interfirm alliances, geographic dispersion of production, and direct foreign investment, while paying special attention to eight industries: microelectronics, computers, aerospace, telecommunications, transportation, new materials, biotechnology, and chemicals. They do not explain how to reach a net assessment. Brooks and Wohlforth, "Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War."
  • 157
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    • Hailfinder: Tools for and Experiences with Bayesian Normative Modeling
    • For the case in favor of using this strategy, see, April
    • For the case in favor of using this strategy, see Ward Edwards, "Hailfinder: Tools for and Experiences with Bayesian Normative Modeling," American Psychologist, Vol. 53, No. 4 (April 1998), pp. 416-428.
    • (1998) American Psychologist , vol.53 , Issue.4 , pp. 416-428
    • Edwards, W.1
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    • Improving Quantitative Studies in International Conflict: A Conjecture
    • See, March
    • See Nathaniel Beck, Gary King, and Langche Zeng, "Improving Quantitative Studies in International Conflict: A Conjecture," American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 21-35.
    • (2000) American Political Science Review , vol.94 , Issue.1 , pp. 21-35
    • Beck, N.1    King, G.2    Zeng, L.3


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