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On the basis of the hidden but apparently self-evident postulate that economy is just about producing more (outputs) with less (inputs), nothing — physical or human “nature,” tradition, or other “values” — ought to stand in the way of the maximization process. Everything is called before the Tribunal of (productive) Reason and must prove its right to exist on the basis of the criterion of the unlimited expansion of “rational mastery, D. A. Curtis (ed. and trans.), Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992
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see also Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society, pp. 156–60). Weber himself makes the connection between the rationalization of the state and economic domains: ‘The fully developed bureaucratic apparatus compares with other organizations exactly as does the machine with the non-mechanical modes of production. Precision, speed, unambiguity, knowledge of the files, continuity, discretion, unity, strict subordination, reduction of friction and of material and personal costs — these are raised to the optimum point in the strictly bureaucratic administration, and especially in its monocratic form.’
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Borrowing James Mill's image of polytheism, Weber represents this situation as a struggle between gods. He illustrates the point by evoking Nietzsche's philosophy and Baudelaire's Flowers of Evil, Gerth and Wright Mills (eds and trans.)
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Borrowing James Mill's image of polytheism, Weber represents this situation as a struggle between gods. He illustrates the point by evoking Nietzsche's philosophy and Baudelaire's Flowers of Evil. M. Weber, ‘Science as a Vocation’, in Gerth and Wright Mills (eds and trans.), From Max Weber, pp. 147–8.
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The honor of the civil servant is vested in his ability to execute conscientiously the order of the superior authorities, exactly as if the order agreed with his own conviction. This holds even if the order appears wrong to him and if, despite the civil servant's remonstrances, the authority insists on the order. Without this moral discipline and self-denial, in the highest sense, the whole apparatus would fall to pieces’:, Gerth and Wright Mills (eds and trans.)
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‘The honor of the civil servant is vested in his ability to execute conscientiously the order of the superior authorities, exactly as if the order agreed with his own conviction. This holds even if the order appears wrong to him and if, despite the civil servant's remonstrances, the authority insists on the order. Without this moral discipline and self-denial, in the highest sense, the whole apparatus would fall to pieces’: M. Weber, ‘Politics as a Vocation’, in Gerth and Wright Mills (eds and trans.), From Max Weber, p. 95.
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Arendt's haunting analysis of the Eichmann case reveals the existence of all three processes of transformation of ethics. Indeed, the banality of evil becomes fully comprehensible once they are taken in conjunction with one another. Eichmann displaces ethical questions by leaving them to be answered by the state, or by viewing them as private issues (e.g. the inconsistency between his occasional personal interventions to assist Jewish acquaintances and his execution of orders leading to the mass deportation of Jews to extermination camps). Adiaphorization is manifest in the self-understanding of his own decisions as somehow outside of morality or morally neutral because strictly conforming to existing rules or orders. The colonization of ethics is strongly evidenced by his perversion of the Kantian categorical imperative, which becomes interpreted as a moral obligation to obey the law, rev. edn, Harmondsworth: Penguin
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Arendt's haunting analysis of the Eichmann case reveals the existence of all three processes of transformation of ethics. Indeed, the banality of evil becomes fully comprehensible once they are taken in conjunction with one another. Eichmann displaces ethical questions by leaving them to be answered by the state, or by viewing them as private issues (e.g. the inconsistency between his occasional personal interventions to assist Jewish acquaintances and his execution of orders leading to the mass deportation of Jews to extermination camps). Adiaphorization is manifest in the self-understanding of his own decisions as somehow outside of morality or morally neutral because strictly conforming to existing rules or orders. The colonization of ethics is strongly evidenced by his perversion of the Kantian categorical imperative, which becomes interpreted as a moral obligation to obey the law. H. Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, rev. edn (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964).
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More than 30 years ago, Habermas commented: ‘It is only recently that bureaucrats, the military, and politicians have been orienting themselves to strictly scientific recommendations in the exercise of their public functions — indeed, this practice has only existed on a large scale since World War II. This marks a new or second stage of that “rationalization” which Max Weber had already comprehended as the basis for the development of bureaucratic domination. It is not as though scientists had seized state power; but the exercise of power domestically and its assertion against external enemies are no longer rationalized only through the mediation of administrative activity organized through the division of labor, regulated according to differentiated responsibilities, and linked to instituted norms. Instead they have been structurally transformed by the objective exigencies of new technologies and strategies.’, trans. J. J. Shapiro, London: Heinemann, [1968–9]
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More than 30 years ago, Habermas commented: ‘It is only recently that bureaucrats, the military, and politicians have been orienting themselves to strictly scientific recommendations in the exercise of their public functions — indeed, this practice has only existed on a large scale since World War II. This marks a new or second stage of that “rationalization” which Max Weber had already comprehended as the basis for the development of bureaucratic domination. It is not as though scientists had seized state power; but the exercise of power domestically and its assertion against external enemies are no longer rationalized only through the mediation of administrative activity organized through the division of labor, regulated according to differentiated responsibilities, and linked to instituted norms. Instead they have been structurally transformed by the objective exigencies of new technologies and strategies.’ J. Habermas, Toward a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science, and Politics, trans. J. J. Shapiro (London: Heinemann, 1971[1968–9]), p. 62.
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The language of “spheres” may mislead. If we are speaking about a mode of establishing relationships between human beings, then publicness can be instantiated in a variety of social spaces by no means all of which are institutionalized as political by their relationship to the state
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Many of the contributions to Calhoun provide other instances of the contemporary pluralization of public spheres as well as of the meaning of public life. Also, see Calhoun's critique of Habermas's unitary conception of the public sphere, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
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Many of the contributions to Calhoun provide other instances of the contemporary pluralization of public spheres as well as of the meaning of public life. Also, see Calhoun's critique of Habermas's unitary conception of the public sphere. ‘The language of “spheres” may mislead. If we are speaking about a mode of establishing relationships between human beings, then publicness can be instantiated in a variety of social spaces by no means all of which are institutionalized as political by their relationship to the state.’ C. Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992).
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Benhabib's contrast of Arendt's ‘agonistic’ view of public space and Habermas's ‘discursive’ understanding of the concept provides a different interpretation, one that privileges the latter over the former. S. Benhabib, ‘Models of Public Space: Hannah Arendt, the Liberal Tradition and Jürgen Habermas’, in C. Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), pp. 73–98.
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In his later work, Habermas has attempted to pluralize his understanding of the contemporary public sphere by incorporating within it a notion of civil society composed of overlapping networks of collective social actors. J. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy, trans. W. Rehg (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996[1990]), pp. 352–86.
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Curtis (ed. and trans.)
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For a stimulating and detailed discussion along these lines, see, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
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For a stimulating and detailed discussion along these lines, see J. Bohman, Public Deliberation: Pluralism, Complexity, and Democracy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996).
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As early as in Toward a Rational Society, Habermas (1970: 61) warns us about societal dependence on expertise: ‘Only if we succeed in directing the mediation of technical progress and the conduct of social life, which until now has occurred as an extension of natural history; its conditions being left outside the framework of discussion and planning. The fact that this is a matter for reflection means that it does not belong to the professional competence of specialists. … Our only hope for the rationalization of the power structure lies in conditions that favor political power for thought developing through dialogue. The redeeming power of reflection cannot be supplanted by the extension of technically exploitable knowledge
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Bellah et al., The Good Society, p. 306. As early as in Toward a Rational Society, Habermas (1970: 61) warns us about societal dependence on expertise: ‘Only if we succeed in directing the mediation of technical progress and the conduct of social life, which until now has occurred as an extension of natural history; its conditions being left outside the framework of discussion and planning. The fact that this is a matter for reflection means that it does not belong to the professional competence of specialists. … Our only hope for the rationalization of the power structure lies in conditions that favor political power for thought developing through dialogue. The redeeming power of reflection cannot be supplanted by the extension of technically exploitable knowledge.’
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Castoriadis, ‘The Greek Polis and the Creation of Democracy’, in Curtis (ed. and trans.), The Castoriadis Reader;
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Castoriadis, ‘The Greek and the Modern Political Imaginary’, in Curtis (ed. and trans.), World in Fragments;
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This distinction between two versions of the public good partially follows Berlin's juxtaposition of negative and positive concepts of liberty, as well as Taylor's arguments in favour of the latter vis-à-vis the former. I. Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, in The Proper Study of Mankind: An Anthology of Essays (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1997[1969]), pp. 191–242.
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