The essence of commodification: Caffeine dependencies in the early modern world

Journal of Social History

Volumn 35, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 269-294

  Jamieson, Ross W ^a  

^a SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CAFFEINE;

ARTICLE; BEVERAGE; CACAO; COFFEE; COMMERCIAL PHENOMENA; COMMODIFICATION; DEPENDENT PERSONALITY DISORDER; DRINKING BEHAVIOR; ECONOMICS; EDUCATION; ETHNOLOGY; EUROPE; HISTORY; INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION; LEGAL ASPECT; MARKETING; PHYSIOLOGY; POLITICAL SYSTEM; PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT; QUALITY OF LIFE; SOUTH AND CENTRAL AMERICA; TEA;

BEVERAGES; CACAO; CAFFEINE; COFFEE; COLONIALISM; COMMERCE; COMMODIFICATION; DEPENDENCY (PSYCHOLOGY); DRINKING BEHAVIOR; ECONOMICS; EUROPE; HISTORY, 16TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 18TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES; LATIN AMERICA; MARKETING; QUALITY OF LIFE; TEA;

EID: 34247743205     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2001.0125     Document Type: Article

References (166)

1. Originally published as Philippe Sylvestre Dufour, De l'usage du café, du thé, et du chocolate (Lyons, 1671), the book went through many editions in Europe under the title Traitez mouveaux et curieux du café, du thé et du chocolate. For a discussion of Dufour see Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York, 1992), pp. 40-41.
2. Originally published as Philippe Sylvestre Dufour, De l'usage du café, du thé, et du chocolate (Lyons, 1671), the book went through many editions in Europe under the title Traitez mouveaux et curieux du café, du thé et du chocolate. For a discussion of Dufour see Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York, 1992), pp. 40-41.
3. Quotation is Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible, trans. Siân Reynolds (London, 1981), p. 249. Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York, 1985), p.113.
4. Quotation is Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible, trans. Siân Reynolds (London, 1981), p. 249. Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York, 1985), p.113.
5. Philippe Sylvestre Dufour, Traitez mouveaux et curieux du café, du thé et du chocolate (La Haye, 1693), frontispiece.
6. Hernando Colon, Vida del Almirante Don Cristobal Colon (Mexico City, 1947 [1571]), p. 275.
7. Sophie D. Coe and Michael D. Coe, The True History of Chocolate (New York, 1996); Ann Laura Stoler and Frederick Cooper, "Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a Research Agenda," in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 1-56.
8. Sophie D. Coe and Michael D. Coe, The True History of Chocolate (New York, 1996); Ann Laura Stoler and Frederick Cooper, "Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a Research Agenda," in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, (Berkeley, 1997), pp. 1-56.
9. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, Volume 2, Miguel León-Portilla [ed.] (Madrid, 1984 [1632]), p. 401. The description of this event shows how the Aztec beverage had been subsumed into the medieval European concept of the "void" course of a banquet, traditionally consisting of wine and sweetmeats (sugar confections). This often involved movement out into a garden building, described in Kim F. Hall, "Culinary Spaces, colonial spaces: The gendering of sugar in the seventeenth century," in Feminist Readings of Early Modern Culture: Emerging Subjects, Valerie Traub, M. Lindsay Kaplan, and Dympna Callaghan, eds., (Cambridge, 1996), p. 172. José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, José Alcina Franch [ed.], (Madrid, 1986 [1590]), p. 266.
10. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, Volume 2, Miguel León-Portilla [ed.] (Madrid, 1984 [1632]), p. 401. The description of this event shows how the Aztec beverage had been subsumed into the medieval European concept of the "void" course of a banquet, traditionally consisting of wine and sweetmeats (sugar confections). This often involved movement out into a garden building, described in Kim F. Hall, "Culinary Spaces, colonial spaces: The gendering of sugar in the seventeenth century," in Feminist Readings of Early Modern Culture: Emerging Subjects, Valerie Traub, M. Lindsay Kaplan, and Dympna Callaghan, eds., (Cambridge, 1996), p. 172. José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, José Alcina Franch [ed.], (Madrid, 1986 [1590]), p. 266.
11. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, Volume 2, Miguel León-Portilla [ed.] (Madrid, 1984 [1632]), p. 401. The description of this event shows how the Aztec beverage had been subsumed into the medieval European concept of the "void" course of a banquet, traditionally consisting of wine and sweetmeats (sugar confections). This often involved movement out into a garden building, described in Kim F. Hall, "Culinary Spaces, colonial spaces: The gendering of sugar in the seventeenth century," in Feminist Readings of Early Modern Culture: Emerging Subjects, Valerie Traub, M. Lindsay Kaplan, and Dympna Callaghan, eds., (Cambridge, 1996), p. 172. José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, José Alcina Franch [ed.], (Madrid, 1986 [1590]), p. 266.
12. The Nahuatl xicalli could be made of many materials, including gourd, ceramic or gold (Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 88, 120). Germán Somolinos D'Ardois, ed., El doctor Francisco Hernández y la primera expedición científica en América (Mexico City, 1971), p. 121. The word molinillo is thought to be from the Nahuatl word molinia, "to shake or move" (Miguel Léon-Portilla, "Otro testimonio de aculturación hispano-indígena," Revista Española de Antropología Americana XI [Madrid, 1981]: 220-243).
13. The Nahuatl xicalli could be made of many materials, including gourd, ceramic or gold (Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 88, 120). Germán Somolinos D'Ardois, ed., El doctor Francisco Hernández y la primera expedición científica en América (Mexico City, 1971), p. 121. The word molinillo is thought to be from the Nahuatl word molinia, "to shake or move" (Miguel Léon-Portilla, "Otro testimonio de aculturación hispano-indígena," Revista Española de Antropología Americana XI [Madrid, 1981]: 220-243).
14. The Nahuatl xicalli could be made of many materials, including gourd, ceramic or gold (Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 88, 120). Germán Somolinos D'Ardois, ed., El doctor Francisco Hernández y la primera expedición científica en América (Mexico City, 1971), p. 121. The word molinillo is thought to be from the Nahuatl word molinia, "to shake or move" (Miguel Léon-Portilla, "Otro testimonio de aculturación hispano-indígena," Revista Española de Antropología Americana XI [Madrid, 1981]: 220-243).
15. Janine Gasco, "Cacao and Economic Inequality in Colonial Soconusco, Chiapas, Mexico," Journal of Anthropological Research LII (1996); Gasco "The Colonial Economy in the Province of Soconusco," in Barbara Voorhies [ed.], Ancient Trade and Tribute: Economies of the Soconusco Region of Mesoamerica (Salt Lake City, 1989); Acosta, Historia natural, p. 266.
16. Janine Gasco, "Cacao and Economic Inequality in Colonial Soconusco, Chiapas, Mexico," Journal of Anthropological Research LII (1996); Gasco "The Colonial Economy in the Province of Soconusco," in Barbara Voorhies [ed.], Ancient Trade and Tribute: Economies of the Soconusco Region of Mesoamerica (Salt Lake City, 1989); Acosta, Historia natural, p. 266.
17. Janine Gasco, "Cacao and Economic Inequality in Colonial Soconusco, Chiapas, Mexico," Journal of Anthropological Research LII (1996); Gasco "The Colonial Economy in the Province of Soconusco," in Barbara Voorhies [ed.], Ancient Trade and Tribute: Economies of the Soconusco Region of Mesoamerica (Salt Lake City, 1989); Acosta, Historia natural, p. 266.
18. Dauril Alden, "The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region during the Late Colonial Period: An Essay in Comparative Economic History," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CXX (1976): 103-135, suggests Mesoamerican production that may have totaled 3000 to 4000 metric tonnes per year at the turn of the seventeenth century was reduced to less than 700 tonnes annually by the turn of the eighteenth. On the causes for this decline see Coe and Coe, True History, p. 21, and Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520-1720 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 76-77.
19. Dauril Alden, "The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region during the Late Colonial Period: An Essay in Comparative Economic History," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CXX (1976): 103-135, suggests Mesoamerican production that may have totaled 3000 to 4000 metric tonnes per year at the turn of the seventeenth century was reduced to less than 700 tonnes annually by the turn of the eighteenth. On the causes for this decline see Coe and Coe, True History, p. 21, and Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520-1720 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 76-77.
20. Dauril Alden, "The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region during the Late Colonial Period: An Essay in Comparative Economic History," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CXX (1976): 103-135, suggests Mesoamerican production that may have totaled 3000 to 4000 metric tonnes per year at the turn of the seventeenth century was reduced to less than 700 tonnes annually by the turn of the eighteenth. On the causes for this decline see Coe and Coe, True History, p. 21, and Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520-1720 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 76-77.
21. For critiques of the world system approach to history, particularly in the Latin American case, see Steve J. Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," in Frederick Cooper, Allen F. Isaacman, Florencia E. Mallon, William Roseberry, and Steve J. Stern, eds., Confronting Historical Paradigms: Peasants, Labor and the Capitalist World System in Africa and Latin America (Madison, 1993), pp. 23-83; and Patrick O'Brien, "European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery," Economic History Review XXXV (1982): 1-18. For recent research on Latin American consumption see Benjamin Orlove, ed., The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997).
22. For critiques of the world system approach to history, particularly in the Latin American case, see Steve J. Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," in Frederick Cooper, Allen F. Isaacman, Florencia E. Mallon, William Roseberry, and Steve J. Stern, eds., Confronting Historical Paradigms: Peasants, Labor and the Capitalist World System in Africa and Latin America (Madison, 1993), pp. 23-83; and Patrick O'Brien, "European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery," Economic History Review XXXV (1982): 1-18. For recent research on Latin American consumption see Benjamin Orlove, ed., The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997).
23. For critiques of the world system approach to history, particularly in the Latin American case, see Steve J. Stern, "Feudalism, Capitalism and the World-System in the Perspective of Latin America and the Caribbean," in Frederick Cooper, Allen F. Isaacman, Florencia E. Mallon, William Roseberry, and Steve J. Stern, eds., Confronting Historical Paradigms: Peasants, Labor and the Capitalist World System in Africa and Latin America (Madison, 1993), pp. 23-83; and Patrick O'Brien, "European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery," Economic History Review XXXV (1982): 1-18. For recent research on Latin American consumption see Benjamin Orlove, ed., The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997).
24. Eduardo Estrella, El pan de América: etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en el Ecuador, 2nd ed. (Quito, 1988), p. 263; Dora Szasdi Léon Borja and Adam Szasdi Nagy, "El comercio del cacao de Guayaquil," Revista de Historia de Amèrica LVII/LVIII(1964): 4; Acosta Historia natural, p. 266; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 441 n. 22; Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, Charles Upson Clark, trans. (Washington, 1942 [1620]), p. 371.
25. Eduardo Estrella, El pan de América: etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en el Ecuador, 2nd ed. (Quito, 1988), p. 263; Dora Szasdi Léon Borja and Adam Szasdi Nagy, "El comercio del cacao de Guayaquil," Revista de Historia de Amèrica LVII/LVIII(1964): 4; Acosta Historia natural, p. 266; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 441 n. 22; Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, Charles Upson Clark, trans. (Washington, 1942 [1620]), p. 371.
26. Eduardo Estrella, El pan de América: etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en el Ecuador, 2nd ed. (Quito, 1988), p. 263; Dora Szasdi Léon Borja and Adam Szasdi Nagy, "El comercio del cacao de Guayaquil," Revista de Historia de Amèrica LVII/LVIII(1964): 4; Acosta Historia natural, p. 266; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 441 n. 22; Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, Charles Upson Clark, trans. (Washington, 1942 [1620]), p. 371.
27. Eduardo Estrella, El pan de América: etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en el Ecuador, 2nd ed. (Quito, 1988), p. 263; Dora Szasdi Léon Borja and Adam Szasdi Nagy, "El comercio del cacao de Guayaquil," Revista de Historia de Amèrica LVII/LVIII(1964): 4; Acosta Historia natural, p. 266; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 441 n. 22; Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, Charles Upson Clark, trans. (Washington, 1942 [1620]), p. 371.
28. Eduardo Estrella, El pan de América: etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en el Ecuador, 2nd ed. (Quito, 1988), p. 263; Dora Szasdi Léon Borja and Adam Szasdi Nagy, "El comercio del cacao de Guayaquil," Revista de Historia de Amèrica LVII/LVIII(1964): 4; Acosta Historia natural, p. 266; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 441 n. 22; Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, Charles Upson Clark, trans. (Washington, 1942 [1620]), p. 371.
29. Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 107; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Robert J. Ferry, "Encomienda, African Slavery and Agriculture in Seventeenth-Century Caracas" Hispanic-American Historical Review LXI (1981): 609-635.
30. Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 107; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Robert J. Ferry, "Encomienda, African Slavery and Agriculture in Seventeenth-Century Caracas" Hispanic-American Historical Review LXI (1981): 609-635.
31. Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 107; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Robert J. Ferry, "Encomienda, African Slavery and Agriculture in Seventeenth-Century Caracas" Hispanic-American Historical Review LXI (1981): 609-635.
32. Eugenio Piñero, The Town of San Felipe and Colonial Cacao Economies (Philadelphia, 1994) pp. 28, 34; John Leddy Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century: Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison, 1967), p. 17; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 4-8, 39-40; Michael T. Hamerly, Historia social y economica de la Antigua Provincia de Guayaquil, 1763-1842 (Guayaquil, 1987), p. 121.
33. Eugenio Piñero, The Town of San Felipe and Colonial Cacao Economies (Philadelphia, 1994) pp. 28, 34; John Leddy Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century: Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison, 1967), p. 17; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 4-8, 39-40; Michael T. Hamerly, Historia social y economica de la Antigua Provincia de Guayaquil, 1763-1842 (Guayaquil, 1987), p. 121.
34. Eugenio Piñero, The Town of San Felipe and Colonial Cacao Economies (Philadelphia, 1994) pp. 28, 34; John Leddy Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century: Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison, 1967), p. 17; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 4-8, 39-40; Michael T. Hamerly, Historia social y economica de la Antigua Provincia de Guayaquil, 1763-1842 (Guayaquil, 1987), p. 121.
35. Eugenio Piñero, The Town of San Felipe and Colonial Cacao Economies (Philadelphia, 1994) pp. 28, 34; John Leddy Phelan, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century: Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire (Madison, 1967), p. 17; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 4-8, 39-40; Michael T. Hamerly, Historia social y economica de la Antigua Provincia de Guayaquil, 1763-1842 (Guayaquil, 1987), p. 121.
36. These are mentioned, for example, in the household inventory of Luisa Maldonado de San Juan, the wealthy widow of a merchant. She died in 1664 and her testament mentions trading ties as far afield as Panama, thus allowing us to consider her an individual more "cosmopolitan" than many members of Cuenca's urban society. When her urban house was inventoried there were "four coconuts for drinking chocolate from the coast and another six", stored in a chest along with her jewelry and clothing. In a separate chest, which also contained clothing, there were "nine molinillos for making chocolate" (Ross W. Jamieson, "Doña Luisa and Her Two Houses: Widowhood as Power in the Colonial Andes," in James A. Delle et. al., eds., Lines That Divide: Historical Archaeologies of Race, Gender and Class [Knoxville, forthcoming]; Archivo Nacional de Historia/Cuenca [hereinafter ANH/C] C116.404a f.5v [1664]). A second inventory, from the house of Pedro Ortiz Dávila, was taken at his death in 1672. This inventory gives us a picture of one of the wealthiest Cuencanos of his era. Born in Spain, Ortiz Dávila was the crown prosecutor of Cuenca at the time of his death. His house on the main plaza in Cuenca contained an 800-volume library and many works of art. The rich and extensive furnishings included 71 chairs, and over 100 pieces of silver and gold-plated silver table-wares. Of specific interest to us is the listing amongst the silver of "a jug for chocolate with lid, [and] a grater" (ANH/C L520 f.610v [1672]). Significantly, neither of these elite seventeenth-century inventories contains any mention of porcelain or ceramic cups.
37. Trade was declared legal by the Bourbon administration in 1774, and in 1779 export and import taxes on the product were reduced throughout the empire. In 1789 a 500 tonne annual limit on Guayas cacao exports was lifted; Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690-1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 97-101, 147; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, p. 35; Alden, "Significance of Cacao," p. 107. Annual production in the Guayas basin increased from 2060 tonnes in the 1780s to 3700 tonnes annually by 1802 (Hamerly, Historia social, 121; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 39-40).
38. Trade was declared legal by the Bourbon administration in 1774, and in 1779 export and import taxes on the product were reduced throughout the empire. In 1789 a 500 tonne annual limit on Guayas cacao exports was lifted; Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690-1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 97-101, 147; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, p. 35; Alden, "Significance of Cacao," p. 107. Annual production in the Guayas basin increased from 2060 tonnes in the 1780s to 3700 tonnes annually by 1802 (Hamerly, Historia social, 121; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 39-40).
39. Trade was declared legal by the Bourbon administration in 1774, and in 1779 export and import taxes on the product were reduced throughout the empire. In 1789 a 500 tonne annual limit on Guayas cacao exports was lifted; Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690-1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 97-101, 147; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, p. 35; Alden, "Significance of Cacao," p. 107. Annual production in the Guayas basin increased from 2060 tonnes in the 1780s to 3700 tonnes annually by 1802 (Hamerly, Historia social, 121; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 39-40).
40. Trade was declared legal by the Bourbon administration in 1774, and in 1779 export and import taxes on the product were reduced throughout the empire. In 1789 a 500 tonne annual limit on Guayas cacao exports was lifted; Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690-1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 97-101, 147; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, p. 35; Alden, "Significance of Cacao," p. 107. Annual production in the Guayas basin increased from 2060 tonnes in the 1780s to 3700 tonnes annually by 1802 (Hamerly, Historia social, 121; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 39-40).
41. Trade was declared legal by the Bourbon administration in 1774, and in 1779 export and import taxes on the product were reduced throughout the empire. In 1789 a 500 tonne annual limit on Guayas cacao exports was lifted; Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690-1830: The State and Regional Development (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 97-101, 147; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, p. 35; Alden, "Significance of Cacao," p. 107. Annual production in the Guayas basin increased from 2060 tonnes in the 1780s to 3700 tonnes annually by 1802 (Hamerly, Historia social, 121; León Borja and Szasdi Nagy, "Comercio del cacao," pp. 39-40).
42. Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 107; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 201.
43. Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 107; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 201.
44. Ralph S. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle, 1985).
45. Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, p. 15.
46. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses, p. 72; Rudi Matthee, "Exotic Substances: the Introduction and Global Spread of Tobacco, Coffee, Cocoa, Tea and Distilled Liquor, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries," in Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich, eds., Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1995), p. 77.
47. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses, p. 72; Rudi Matthee, "Exotic Substances: the Introduction and Global Spread of Tobacco, Coffee, Cocoa, Tea and Distilled Liquor, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries," in Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich, eds., Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1995), p. 77.
48. Paul Butel, Histoire du thé (Paris, 1989), pp. 44-45; John E. Wills, "European Consumption and Asian production in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries," in Consumption and the World of Goods, John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., (London, 1993), p. 144; . C.J.A. Jörg, Porcelain and the Dutch China Trade (Hague, 1982), p. 15.
49. Paul Butel, Histoire du thé (Paris, 1989), pp. 44-45; John E. Wills, "European Consumption and Asian production in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries," in Consumption and the World of Goods, John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., (London, 1993), p. 144; . C.J.A. Jörg, Porcelain and the Dutch China Trade (Hague, 1982), p. 15.
50. Paul Butel, Histoire du thé (Paris, 1989), pp. 44-45; John E. Wills, "European Consumption and Asian production in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries," in Consumption and the World of Goods, John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., (London, 1993), p. 144; . C.J.A. Jörg, Porcelain and the Dutch China Trade (Hague, 1982), p. 15.
51. Matthee, "Exotic Substances", p. 28; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77.
52. Matthee, "Exotic Substances", p. 28; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77.
53. Philip Caraman, The Lost Paradise: the Jesuit Republic in South America (New York, 1975), p. 126.
54. Mary-Elizabeth Reeve, "Regional Interaction in the Western Amazon: The Early Colonial Encounter and the Jesuit Years: 1538-1767," Ethnohistory XLI (1994): 106-138; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 126; Thomas Whigham, The Politics of River Trade: Tradition and Development in the Upper Plata, 1780-1870 (Albuquerque, 1991), pp. 11, 110; Jonathan C. Brown, A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 14-15.
55. Mary-Elizabeth Reeve, "Regional Interaction in the Western Amazon: The Early Colonial Encounter and the Jesuit Years: 1538-1767," Ethnohistory XLI (1994): 106-138; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 126; Thomas Whigham, The Politics of River Trade: Tradition and Development in the Upper Plata, 1780-1870 (Albuquerque, 1991), pp. 11, 110; Jonathan C. Brown, A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 14-15.
56. Mary-Elizabeth Reeve, "Regional Interaction in the Western Amazon: The Early Colonial Encounter and the Jesuit Years: 1538-1767," Ethnohistory XLI (1994): 106-138; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 126; Thomas Whigham, The Politics of River Trade: Tradition and Development in the Upper Plata, 1780-1870 (Albuquerque, 1991), pp. 11, 110; Jonathan C. Brown, A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 14-15.
57. Mary-Elizabeth Reeve, "Regional Interaction in the Western Amazon: The Early Colonial Encounter and the Jesuit Years: 1538-1767," Ethnohistory XLI (1994): 106-138; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 126; Thomas Whigham, The Politics of River Trade: Tradition and Development in the Upper Plata, 1780-1870 (Albuquerque, 1991), pp. 11, 110; Jonathan C. Brown, A Socioeconomic History of Argentina, 1776-1860 (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 14-15.
58. Reeve "Regional Interaction," p. 128; John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London, 1987), pp. 108-110. From 1655 to 1680 exports of both privately harvested wild yerba maté, and crops from the Jesuit plantations, grew from 30 to 680 tonnes annually. Export of both crops continued at around 600 tonnes per year until the Jesuit expulsion from South America in 1767 (Whigham, Politics of River Trade, pp. 11, 16, 111-112; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 129).
59. Reeve "Regional Interaction," p. 128; John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London, 1987), pp. 108-110. From 1655 to 1680 exports of both privately harvested wild yerba maté, and crops from the Jesuit plantations, grew from 30 to 680 tonnes annually. Export of both crops continued at around 600 tonnes per year until the Jesuit expulsion from South America in 1767 (Whigham, Politics of River Trade, pp. 11, 16, 111-112; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 129).
60. Reeve "Regional Interaction," p. 128; John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London, 1987), pp. 108-110. From 1655 to 1680 exports of both privately harvested wild yerba maté, and crops from the Jesuit plantations, grew from 30 to 680 tonnes annually. Export of both crops continued at around 600 tonnes per year until the Jesuit expulsion from South America in 1767 (Whigham, Politics of River Trade, pp. 11, 16, 111-112; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 129).
61. Reeve "Regional Interaction," p. 128; John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (London, 1987), pp. 108-110. From 1655 to 1680 exports of both privately harvested wild yerba maté, and crops from the Jesuit plantations, grew from 30 to 680 tonnes annually. Export of both crops continued at around 600 tonnes per year until the Jesuit expulsion from South America in 1767 (Whigham, Politics of River Trade, pp. 11, 16, 111-112; Caraman, Lost Paradise, p. 129).
62. Whigham Politics of River Trade, pp. 13, 114-115; Brown, Socioeconomic History, p. 15.
63. Whigham Politics of River Trade, pp. 13, 114-115; Brown, Socioeconomic History, p. 15.
64. Susan Migden Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778-1810 (Cambridge, 1978), p. 4; Whigham, Politics of River Trade, p. 12.
65. Susan Migden Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778-1810 (Cambridge, 1978), p. 4; Whigham, Politics of River Trade, p. 12.
66. Ross W. Jamieson, Domestic Architecture and Power: The Historical Archaeology of Colonial Ecuador (New York, 2000), p. 172; Antonio de Alcedo, de las Indias occidentales o América, Vol. IV, Ciriaco Perez-Bustamente, ed., (Madrid, 1967 [1786]), p. 330. For examples of yerba maté utensils see ANH/C C116.229a f.2r (1772); ANH/C C116.095a f.2r (1772); ANH/C C97.102 f.3v (1770).
67. Ross W. Jamieson, Domestic Architecture and Power: The Historical Archaeology of Colonial Ecuador (New York, 2000), p. 172; Antonio de Alcedo, de las Indias occidentales o América, Vol. IV, Ciriaco Perez-Bustamente, ed., (Madrid, 1967 [1786]), p. 330. For examples of yerba maté utensils see ANH/C C116.229a f.2r (1772); ANH/C C116.095a f.2r (1772); ANH/C C97.102 f.3v (1770).
68. Hemming, Amazon Frontier, p. 471.
69. Richard Evans Schultes, "Ilex guayusa from 500 A.D. to the Present," Etnologiska Studier XXXII (1972): 115-144; Victor Manuel Patiño, "Guayusa, a Neglected Stimulant from the Eastern Andean Foothills," Economic Botany XXII (1968): 310-316, Reeve, "Regional Interaction."
70. Richard Evans Schultes, "Ilex guayusa from 500 A.D. to the Present," Etnologiska Studier XXXII (1972): 115-144; Victor Manuel Patiño, "Guayusa, a Neglected Stimulant from the Eastern Andean Foothills," Economic Botany XXII (1968): 310-316, Reeve, "Regional Interaction."
71. Richard Evans Schultes, "Ilex guayusa from 500 A.D. to the Present," Etnologiska Studier XXXII (1972): 115-144; Victor Manuel Patiño, "Guayusa, a Neglected Stimulant from the Eastern Andean Foothills," Economic Botany XXII (1968): 310-316, Reeve, "Regional Interaction."
72. Wade Davis, One River: Explorations and Discoveries in the Amazon Rain Forest (New York, 1996), p. 200; H.T Erickson, Maria Pinheiro F. Corrêa, and José Ricardo Escobar, "Guaraná (Paullinia cupana) as a commercial crop in Brazilian Amazonia," Economic Botany XXXVIII (1984), p. 281; Schultes "Ilex guayusa," p. 116.
73. Wade Davis, One River: Explorations and Discoveries in the Amazon Rain Forest (New York, 1996), p. 200; H.T Erickson, Maria Pinheiro F. Corrêa, and José Ricardo Escobar, "Guaraná (Paullinia cupana) as a commercial crop in Brazilian Amazonia," Economic Botany XXXVIII (1984), p. 281; Schultes "Ilex guayusa," p. 116.
74. Wade Davis, One River: Explorations and Discoveries in the Amazon Rain Forest (New York, 1996), p. 200; H.T Erickson, Maria Pinheiro F. Corrêa, and José Ricardo Escobar, "Guaraná (Paullinia cupana) as a commercial crop in Brazilian Amazonia," Economic Botany XXXVIII (1984), p. 281; Schultes "Ilex guayusa," p. 116.
75. Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods (New York, 1979), pp. 5, 59. On Renaissance Europe see Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York, 1983).
76. Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods (New York, 1979), pp. 5, 59. On Renaissance Europe see Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York, 1983).
77. For the anthropological perspective see Mary Douglas, "A distinctive anthropological perspective," in Mary Douglas, ed., Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 3-15. For early caffeine in Europe see Jordan Goodman, "Excitantia: Or, how Enlightenment Europe took to soft drugs," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 134-135; Woodruff D. Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour: the consumption of coffee, tea and sugar in north-western Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 148-149; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Elizabeth Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997), p. 60.
78. For the anthropological perspective see Mary Douglas, "A distinctive anthropological perspective," in Mary Douglas, ed., Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 3-15. For early caffeine in Europe see Jordan Goodman, "Excitantia: Or, how Enlightenment Europe took to soft drugs," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 134-135; Woodruff D. Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour: the consumption of coffee, tea and sugar in north-western Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 148-149; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Elizabeth Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997), p. 60.
79. For the anthropological perspective see Mary Douglas, "A distinctive anthropological perspective," in Mary Douglas, ed., Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 3-15. For early caffeine in Europe see Jordan Goodman, "Excitantia: Or, how Enlightenment Europe took to soft drugs," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 134-135; Woodruff D. Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour: the consumption of coffee, tea and sugar in north-western Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 148-149; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Elizabeth Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997), p. 60.
80. For the anthropological perspective see Mary Douglas, "A distinctive anthropological perspective," in Mary Douglas, ed., Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 3-15. For early caffeine in Europe see Jordan Goodman, "Excitantia: Or, how Enlightenment Europe took to soft drugs," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 134-135; Woodruff D. Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour: the consumption of coffee, tea and sugar in north-western Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 148-149; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Elizabeth Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997), p. 60.
81. For the anthropological perspective see Mary Douglas, "A distinctive anthropological perspective," in Mary Douglas, ed., Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 3-15. For early caffeine in Europe see Jordan Goodman, "Excitantia: Or, how Enlightenment Europe took to soft drugs," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 134-135; Woodruff D. Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour: the consumption of coffee, tea and sugar in north-western Europe in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London, 1995), pp. 148-149; Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses; Elizabeth Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997), p. 60.
82. Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 86, 125-161; Girolamo Benzoni, History of the New World, W. H. Smyth trans., (London, 1857[1565]), pp. 148-150; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 26, 77; Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 109.
83. Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 86, 125-161; Girolamo Benzoni, History of the New World, W. H. Smyth trans., (London, 1857[1565]), pp. 148-150; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 26, 77; Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 109.
84. Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 86, 125-161; Girolamo Benzoni, History of the New World, W. H. Smyth trans., (London, 1857[1565]), pp. 148-150; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 26, 77; Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 109.
85. Coe and Coe, True History, pp. 86, 125-161; Girolamo Benzoni, History of the New World, W. H. Smyth trans., (London, 1857[1565]), pp. 148-150; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 26, 77; Alden "Significance of Cacao," p. 109.
86. Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 77, 142; Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 112; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 440 n.19.
87. Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 77, 142; Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 112; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 440 n.19.
88. Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 77, 142; Alden, "Significance of Cacao", p. 112; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 440 n.19.
89. Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 110-111; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 439 n.17; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 199; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 43, 211. Exports from the port of Belém rose from 200 tonnes in 1731 to 3000 tonnes in 1805 (Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 114, 120).
90. Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 110-111; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 439 n.17; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 199; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 43, 211. Exports from the port of Belém rose from 200 tonnes in 1731 to 3000 tonnes in 1805 (Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 114, 120).
91. Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 110-111; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 439 n.17; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 199; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 43, 211. Exports from the port of Belém rose from 200 tonnes in 1731 to 3000 tonnes in 1805 (Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 114, 120).
92. Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 110-111; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 439 n.17; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 199; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 43, 211. Exports from the port of Belém rose from 200 tonnes in 1731 to 3000 tonnes in 1805 (Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 114, 120).
93. Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 110-111; MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 439 n.17; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 199; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 43, 211. Exports from the port of Belém rose from 200 tonnes in 1731 to 3000 tonnes in 1805 (Alden, "Significance of Cacao," pp. 114, 120).
94. In the first decade of the eighteenth century Caracas exported 300 to 900 tonnes of cacao to New Spain annually. By the 1750s the region was producing 2700 tonnes annually for export worldwide, and in the 1790s Caracas reached a colonial peak of 4000 tonnes annually (MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 47-50; Alden "Significance of Cacao," pp. 108, 112). On the British slave trade and the Caracas Company see Eugenio Piñero, "The Cacao Economy of the Eighteenth-Century Province of Caracas and the Spanish Cacao Market," Hispanic-American Historical Review LXVIII (1988): 75-100.
95. In the first decade of the eighteenth century Caracas exported 300 to 900 tonnes of cacao to New Spain annually. By the 1750s the region was producing 2700 tonnes annually for export worldwide, and in the 1790s Caracas reached a colonial peak of 4000 tonnes annually (MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 47-50; Alden "Significance of Cacao," pp. 108, 112). On the British slave trade and the Caracas Company see Eugenio Piñero, "The Cacao Economy of the Eighteenth-Century Province of Caracas and the Spanish Cacao Market," Hispanic-American Historical Review LXVIII (1988): 75-100.
96. In the first decade of the eighteenth century Caracas exported 300 to 900 tonnes of cacao to New Spain annually. By the 1750s the region was producing 2700 tonnes annually for export worldwide, and in the 1790s Caracas reached a colonial peak of 4000 tonnes annually (MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 47-50; Alden "Significance of Cacao," pp. 108, 112). On the British slave trade and the Caracas Company see Eugenio Piñero, "The Cacao Economy of the Eighteenth-Century Province of Caracas and the Spanish Cacao Market," Hispanic-American Historical Review LXVIII (1988): 75-100.
97. In the first decade of the eighteenth century Caracas exported 300 to 900 tonnes of cacao to New Spain annually. By the 1750s the region was producing 2700 tonnes annually for export worldwide, and in the 1790s Caracas reached a colonial peak of 4000 tonnes annually (MacLeod, Spanish Central America, p. 243; Piñero, Town of San Felipe, pp. 47-50; Alden "Significance of Cacao," pp. 108, 112). On the British slave trade and the Caracas Company see Eugenio Piñero, "The Cacao Economy of the Eighteenth-Century Province of Caracas and the Spanish Cacao Market," Hispanic-American Historical Review LXVIII (1988): 75-100.
98. Piñero, "Cacao Economy," 84; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 132. By the 1760s 5400 tonnes of cacao were being consumed annually in Madrid alone. The Spanish had become adept at judging the quality of cacao from different regions, rating Moxos varieties from the Bolivian Amazon as the best, followed by Mesoamerican varieties, those from Cusco, and then Caracas cacao. The product from the Guayas region was seen as the worst grade available (Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid, 1750-1800 [New York, 1970(1932)], pp. 151-152, 271).
99. Piñero, "Cacao Economy," 84; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 132. By the 1760s 5400 tonnes of cacao were being consumed annually in Madrid alone. The Spanish had become adept at judging the quality of cacao from different regions, rating Moxos varieties from the Bolivian Amazon as the best, followed by Mesoamerican varieties, those from Cusco, and then Caracas cacao. The product from the Guayas region was seen as the worst grade available (Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid, 1750-1800 [New York, 1970(1932)], pp. 151-152, 271).
100. Piñero, "Cacao Economy," 84; Coe and Coe, True History, p. 132. By the 1760s 5400 tonnes of cacao were being consumed annually in Madrid alone. The Spanish had become adept at judging the quality of cacao from different regions, rating Moxos varieties from the Bolivian Amazon as the best, followed by Mesoamerican varieties, those from Cusco, and then Caracas cacao. The product from the Guayas region was seen as the worst grade available (Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid, 1750-1800 [New York, 1970(1932)], pp. 151-152, 271).
101. Jean Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés in Paris, 1644-1693," in Robert Foster and Orest Ranum (eds.), Food and Drink in History: Selections from the Annales (Baltimore, 1979 [1951]), pp. 86-89; Matthee, "Exotic Substances," pp. 27, 40.
102. Jean Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés in Paris, 1644-1693," in Robert Foster and Orest Ranum (eds.), Food and Drink in History: Selections from the Annales (Baltimore, 1979 [1951]), pp. 86-89; Matthee, "Exotic Substances," pp. 27, 40.
103. Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," p. 89.
104. Peter Stallybrass and Allan White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca, 1986), pp. 80-100; Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 154.
105. Peter Stallybrass and Allan White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca, 1986), pp. 80-100; Smith, "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 154.
106. Matthee "Exotic Substances," p. 27; Woodruff D. Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar and Imperialism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXIII (1992): 274; S.D. Smith, "Accounting for Taste: British Coffee Consumption in Historical Perspective," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXVII (1996): 185. By the 1720s the Surat trade had grown to 1200 tonnes annually (Bruce P. Lenman, "The English and Dutch East India Companies and the Birth of Consumerism in the Augustan World," Eighteenth- Century Life XIV [1990]: 56-57).
107. Matthee "Exotic Substances," p. 27; Woodruff D. Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar and Imperialism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXIII (1992): 274; S.D. Smith, "Accounting for Taste: British Coffee Consumption in Historical Perspective," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXVII (1996): 185. By the 1720s the Surat trade had grown to 1200 tonnes annually (Bruce P. Lenman, "The English and Dutch East India Companies and the Birth of Consumerism in the Augustan World," Eighteenth- Century Life XIV [1990]: 56-57).
108. Matthee "Exotic Substances," p. 27; Woodruff D. Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar and Imperialism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXIII (1992): 274; S.D. Smith, "Accounting for Taste: British Coffee Consumption in Historical Perspective," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXVII (1996): 185. By the 1720s the Surat trade had grown to 1200 tonnes annually (Bruce P. Lenman, "The English and Dutch East India Companies and the Birth of Consumerism in the Augustan World," Eighteenth- Century Life XIV [1990]: 56-57).
109. Matthee "Exotic Substances," p. 27; Woodruff D. Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar and Imperialism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXIII (1992): 274; S.D. Smith, "Accounting for Taste: British Coffee Consumption in Historical Perspective," Journal of Interdisciplinary History XXVII (1996): 185. By the 1720s the Surat trade had grown to 1200 tonnes annually (Bruce P. Lenman, "The English and Dutch East India Companies and the Birth of Consumerism in the Augustan World," Eighteenth-Century Life XIV [1990]: 56-57).
110. Goodman, "Excitantia", p. 130. By 1725 Java alone was producing 2200 tonnes of coffee annually (Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 142-143).
111. Goodman, "Excitantia", p. 130. By 1725 Java alone was producing 2200 tonnes of coffee annually (Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 142-143).
112. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 168; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 503; Robert G. Williams, States and Social Evolution: Coffee and the Rise of National Governments in Central America (Chapel Hill, 1994), pp. 19-20.
113. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 168; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 503; Robert G. Williams, States and Social Evolution: Coffee and the Rise of National Governments in Central America (Chapel Hill, 1994), pp. 19-20.
114. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 168; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 503; Robert G. Williams, States and Social Evolution: Coffee and the Rise of National Governments in Central America (Chapel Hill, 1994), pp. 19-20.
115. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 168; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge, 1987), p. 503; Robert G. Williams, States and Social Evolution: Coffee and the Rise of National Governments in Central America (Chapel Hill, 1994), pp. 19-20.
116. William Roseberry, "Introduction," in William Roseberry, Lowell Gudmundson and Samper Kutschbach, eds., Coffee, Society and Power in Latin America (Baltimore, 1995), p. 3; William Roseberry, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, 1983), p. 71; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 463, 471. According to Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130, Dutch Surinam produced 5500 tonnes of coffee annually by the 1770s. Cuban coffee production went from 800 tonnes in 1805 to 10 000 tonnes annually by 1815 (Robert Jones Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763-1821 [Syracuse, 1958], p. 180).
117. William Roseberry, "Introduction," in William Roseberry, Lowell Gudmundson and Samper Kutschbach, eds., Coffee, Society and Power in Latin America (Baltimore, 1995), p. 3; William Roseberry, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, 1983), p. 71; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 463, 471. According to Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130, Dutch Surinam produced 5500 tonnes of coffee annually by the 1770s. Cuban coffee production went from 800 tonnes in 1805 to 10 000 tonnes annually by 1815 (Robert Jones Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763-1821 [Syracuse, 1958], p. 180).
118. William Roseberry, "Introduction," in William Roseberry, Lowell Gudmundson and Samper Kutschbach, eds., Coffee, Society and Power in Latin America (Baltimore, 1995), p. 3; William Roseberry, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, 1983), p. 71; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 463, 471. According to Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130, Dutch Surinam produced 5500 tonnes of coffee annually by the 1770s. Cuban coffee production went from 800 tonnes in 1805 to 10 000 tonnes annually by 1815 (Robert Jones Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763-1821 [Syracuse, 1958], p. 180).
119. William Roseberry, "Introduction," in William Roseberry, Lowell Gudmundson and Samper Kutschbach, eds., Coffee, Society and Power in Latin America (Baltimore, 1995), p. 3; William Roseberry, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, 1983), p. 71; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 463, 471. According to Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130, Dutch Surinam produced 5500 tonnes of coffee annually by the 1770s. Cuban coffee production went from 800 tonnes in 1805 to 10 000 tonnes annually by 1815 (Robert Jones Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763-1821 [Syracuse, 1958], p. 180).
120. William Roseberry, "Introduction," in William Roseberry, Lowell Gudmundson and Samper Kutschbach, eds., Coffee, Society and Power in Latin America (Baltimore, 1995), p. 3; William Roseberry, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (Austin, 1983), p. 71; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 463, 471. According to Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130, Dutch Surinam produced 5500 tonnes of coffee annually by the 1770s. Cuban coffee production went from 800 tonnes in 1805 to 10 000 tonnes annually by 1815 (Robert Jones Shafer, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World, 1763-1821 [Syracuse, 1958], p. 180).
121. Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 135, 141; Butel, Histoire du thé, pp. 48-50; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77; Rodris Roth, "Tea-Drinking in Eighteenth-Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage," in Robert Blair St. George (ed.), Material Life in America, 1600-1860 (Boston, 1988), p. 440. Samuel Pepys described trying tea in 1660, a new product in London, to which he was introduced by Richard Ford, a merchant with Dutch connections (sub September 25, 1660, in Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Volume I (1660) [London, 1970], p. 253).
122. Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 135, 141; Butel, Histoire du thé, pp. 48-50; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77; Rodris Roth, "Tea-Drinking in Eighteenth-Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage," in Robert Blair St. George (ed.), Material Life in America, 1600-1860 (Boston, 1988), p. 440. Samuel Pepys described trying tea in 1660, a new product in London, to which he was introduced by Richard Ford, a merchant with Dutch connections (sub September 25, 1660, in Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Volume I (1660) [London, 1970], p. 253).
123. Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 135, 141; Butel, Histoire du thé, pp. 48-50; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77; Rodris Roth, "Tea-Drinking in Eighteenth-Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage," in Robert Blair St. George (ed.), Material Life in America, 1600-1860 (Boston, 1988), p. 440. Samuel Pepys described trying tea in 1660, a new product in London, to which he was introduced by Richard Ford, a merchant with Dutch connections (sub September 25, 1660, in Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Volume I (1660) [London, 1970], p. 253).
124. Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 135, 141; Butel, Histoire du thé, pp. 48-50; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77; Rodris Roth, "Tea-Drinking in Eighteenth-Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage," in Robert Blair St. George (ed.), Material Life in America, 1600-1860 (Boston, 1988), p. 440. Samuel Pepys described trying tea in 1660, a new product in London, to which he was introduced by Richard Ford, a merchant with Dutch connections (sub September 25, 1660, in Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Volume I (1660) [London, 1970], p. 253).
125. Wills, "European Consumption," pp. 135, 141; Butel, Histoire du thé, pp. 48-50; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 77; Rodris Roth, "Tea-Drinking in Eighteenth-Century America: Its Etiquette and Equipage," in Robert Blair St. George (ed.), Material Life in America, 1600-1860 (Boston, 1988),
126. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
127. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
128. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
129. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
130. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
131. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 19-21, 54, 66; Carole Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), p. 83; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 144; Smith, "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 273. From the late seventeenth century until the 1720s tea and coffee had almost equal popularity in England, but after the 1720s the popularity of tea began to grow disproportionately in that country. Smith, "Accounting for Taste," pp. 184, 214, suggests that this may have been due to the tax structure, as an ineffective coffee lobby in England led to higher import taxes on coffee than tea after the 1720s, leading to an English preference for tea.
132. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," p. 442; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 83-85; Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 22; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 184.
133. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," p. 442; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 83-85; Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 22; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 184.
134. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," p. 442; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 83-85; Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 22; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 184.
135. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," p. 442; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 83-85; Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 22; Smith "Accounting for Taste," p. 184.
136. Goodman, "Excitantia," p. 130.
137. Butel, Histoire du thé, p. 54; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 141.
138. Butel, Histoire du thé, p. 54; Wills, "European Consumption," p. 141.
139. Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 158-159; Smith "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 276.
140. Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 158-159; Smith "Complications of the Commonplace," p. 276.
141. Kowalewski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, pp. 31-37.
142. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
143. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
144. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
145. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
146. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
147. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
148. Coe and Coe, True History, p. 137; Ignacio H. Mota, El libro de chocolate (Madrid, 1992), pp. 175-176; Leclant, "Coffee and Cafés," 86; Smith "From Coffeehouse to Parlour," p. 149; Anne W. Lowenthal, "Contemplating Kalf," in Anne W. Lowenthal, ed., The Object as Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life (Princeton, 1996), p. 30; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 51-52; T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company (Leiden, 1954), pp. 25, 39.
149. John Brewer, The Common People and Politics, 1750-1790s (Cambridge, 1986), p. 126. The earliest English coffeepot known is silver and dates to 1681. It is a gift from the EIC, demonstrating the close connection between the East India mercantile companies and the popularization of caffeine beverages in Europe (Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, pp. 53, 180).
150. John Brewer, The Common People and Politics, 1750-1790s (Cambridge, 1986), p. 126. The earliest English coffeepot known is silver and dates to 1681. It is a gift from the EIC, demonstrating the close connection between the East India mercantile companies and the popularization of caffeine beverages in Europe (Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, pp. 53, 180).
151. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," pp. 447, 458; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 183-185; Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660-1720 (London, 1988), pp. 28, 31; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 56-58; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 149.
152. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," pp. 447, 458; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 183-185; Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660-1720 (London, 1988), pp. 28, 31; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 56-58; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 149.
153. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," pp. 447, 458; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 183-185; Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660-1720 (London, 1988), pp. 28, 31; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 56-58; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 149.
154. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," pp. 447, 458; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 183-185; Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660-1720 (London, 1988), pp. 28, 31; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 56-58; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 149.
155. Roth, "Tea-Drinking," pp. 447, 458; Shammas, Pre-industrial Consumer, pp. 183-185; Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660-1720 (London, 1988), pp. 28, 31; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 56-58; Jörg, Porcelain, p. 149.
156. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, p. 110; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 164-187; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 62-63.
157. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, p. 110; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 164-187; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 62-63.
158. Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour, p. 110; Jörg, Porcelain, pp. 164-187; Lenman, "English and Dutch East India Companies," pp. 62-63.
159. Kany, Life and Manners, pp. 149, 151
160. Benjamin Orlove and Arnold J. Bauer, "Chile in the Belle Epoque: Primitive Producers, Civilized Consumers," in Benjamin Orlove (ed.), The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997), pp. 133, 135; Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, p. 84; Shafer, Economic Societies, p. 162.
161. Benjamin Orlove and Arnold J. Bauer, "Chile in the Belle Epoque: Primitive Producers, Civilized Consumers," in Benjamin Orlove (ed.), The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997), pp. 133, 135; Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, p. 84; Shafer, Economic Societies, p. 162.
162. Benjamin Orlove and Arnold J. Bauer, "Chile in the Belle Epoque: Primitive Producers, Civilized Consumers," in Benjamin Orlove (ed.), The Allure of the Foreign: Imported Goods in Postcolonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1997), pp. 133, 135; Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, p. 84; Shafer, Economic Societies, p. 162.
163. th century, as yerba maté drinking has gained a following with those who emphasize traditional and national concerns, attempting to promote a product which is uniquely produced in the Rio de la Plata region. Orlove and Bauer, "Chile in the Belle Epoque," pp. 116, 134-138. Amaro Villanueva, El lenguaje del maté (Buenos Aires, 1967).
164. th century, as yerba maté drinking has gained a following with those who emphasize traditional and national concerns, attempting to promote a product which is uniquely produced in the Rio de la Plata region. Orlove and Bauer, "Chile in the Belle Epoque," pp. 116, 134-138. Amaro Villanueva, El lenguaje del maté (Buenos Aires, 1967).
165. On sugar see Mintz, Sweetness and Power. The history of tobacco is thoroughly covered by Jordan Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (London, 1993).
166. On sugar see Mintz, Sweetness and Power. The history of tobacco is thoroughly covered by Jordan Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (London, 1993).