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Volumn 70, Issue , 2006, Pages 35-60

Globalization and the Transformation of Work in Rural Brazil: Agribusiness, Rural Labor Unions, and Peasant Mobilization

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EID: 34247537966     PISSN: 01475479     EISSN: 14716445     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0147547906000159     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (15)

References (104)
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    • Ariovaldo Umbelino de Oliveira, Barbárie e modernidade: as transformações no campo e o agronegócio no Brasil, Terra Livre 19.21 (jul/dez 2003): 113-56.
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    • The Green Revolution: An Unfinished Agenda
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    • Peter Rosset, Lessons from the Green Revolution, in Op-Eds, Foodfirst.org, «http://www.foodrirst.org/media/opeds/2000/4-greenrev. html», March/April 2000; Vandana Shiva, Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply (Boston, 2000).
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    • Dating these revolutions is not easy. The first is often dated from 1945 when the Rockefeller Foundation and the Mexican government formed the Cooperative Wheat Research and Production Program with Borlaug as director, but the term Green Revolution came into usage more than two decades later. In truth, the referenced scientific and administrative innovations were implemented most fully in the US from the 1950s on before they were urged on the Third World. The notion of a second Green Revolution is controversial. Advocates of the first one use this term as well as Gene Revolution to argue that the shortcomings of the original Green Revolution will now be overcome by the miracles of genetic engineering and biotechnology. They date the process from the 1990s. Critics are troubled by all of these terms since the real problems are related to power relations that often worsened with scientific advances. I am using the terms to help distinguish two phases of transformation in Braz
    • Dating these revolutions is not easy. The first is often dated from 1945 when the Rockefeller Foundation and the Mexican government formed the Cooperative Wheat Research and Production Program with Borlaug as director, but the term Green Revolution came into usage more than two decades later. In truth, the referenced scientific and administrative innovations were implemented most fully in the US from the 1950s on before they were urged on the Third World. The notion of a second Green Revolution is controversial. Advocates of the first one use this term as well as "Gene Revolution" to argue that the shortcomings of the original Green Revolution will now be overcome by the miracles of genetic engineering and biotechnology. They date the process from the 1990s. Critics are troubled by all of these terms since the real problems are related to power relations that often worsened with scientific advances. I am using the terms to help distinguish two phases of transformation in Brazil that were determined by postwar globalization processes, the first arising from liberal ideologues in the 1950s and the second from neoliberals in the 1980s.
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    • Rosset, Green Revolution Lessons; Norman Borlaug, From the Green to the Gene Revolution: Our 21st Century Challenge, paper resented at Donald Danforth Plant Science Center, St. Louis, February 20, 2006.
    • Rosset, "Green Revolution Lessons"; Norman Borlaug, "From the Green to the Gene Revolution: Our 21st Century Challenge," paper resented at Donald Danforth Plant Science Center, St. Louis, February 20, 2006.
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    • With the Cuban and Vietnamese revolutions unfolding in the 1950s and early 1960s, significant attention was focused on peasant mobilization. When peasants mobilized to demand land reform in Brazil, the international press covered the incidents which raised their profile domestically, as well. The outstanding case is that of the Peasant Leagues organized in the mid- to late-1950s by the Pernambucan lawyer Francisco Julião. While the Peasant Leagues attracted attention they were fairly insignificant when compared to the mobilization of thousands of rural wage workers on coffee and sugar plantations. Nevertheless, many authors, Fernando Azevêdo and Anthony Pereira exemplify this tendency, have contributed to maintaining the peasant league myth to the present day. Fernando Antônio Azevêdo, As ligas camponeses (Rio de Janeiro, 1982);
    • With the Cuban and Vietnamese revolutions unfolding in the 1950s and early 1960s, significant attention was focused on peasant mobilization. When peasants mobilized to demand land reform in Brazil, the international press covered the incidents which raised their profile domestically, as well. The outstanding case is that of the Peasant Leagues organized in the mid- to late-1950s by the Pernambucan lawyer Francisco Julião. While the Peasant Leagues attracted attention they were fairly insignificant when compared to the mobilization of thousands of rural wage workers on coffee and sugar plantations. Nevertheless, many authors - Fernando Azevêdo and Anthony Pereira exemplify this tendency - have contributed to maintaining the peasant league myth to the present day. Fernando Antônio Azevêdo, As ligas camponeses (Rio de Janeiro, 1982);
  • 27
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    • Maria Luisa Mendonça, A OMC e os efeitos destrutivos da indústria da cana no Brasil, Ação Terra, February 13, 2006, 〈http://www.acaoterra.org/display.php?article=397〉. In The Myth of the Family Farm: Agribusiness Dominance of U.S. Agriculture (Boulder, CO, 1981), the geographer Ingolf Vogeler indignantly condemns the social inculcation of agrarian capitalism's way of blaming family farmers themselves for not retaining their farms in the US.
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    • As of January 2004, seven organizations were united in the Via Campesina-Brasil. These included the Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC, Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT, Federação dos Estudantes de Agronomia do Brasil (FEAB, Movimento de Atingidos por Barragens (MAB, Movimento de Pequenos Agriculutores (MPA, Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST, and the Pastoral da Jeventude Rural (PJR, Notably absent from the list is the Confederação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) or any of its component organizations, principally the sindicatos dos trabalhadores rurais (STRs) and state federations of unions. The operational secretary of the Via Campesina-Brasil can be contacted at: viacampesina@terra. com.br. Telefax: 55.61.3322.5035, João Pedro Stédile et al, A situação internacional da agricultura Brasília, 2004, The international peasant movement, Via Campesina, can be researched at
    • As of January 2004, seven organizations were united in the Via Campesina-Brasil. These included the Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC), Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), Federação dos Estudantes de Agronomia do Brasil (FEAB), Movimento de Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), Movimento de Pequenos Agriculutores (MPA), Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), and the Pastoral da Jeventude Rural (PJR). Notably absent from the list is the Confederação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) or any of its component organizations, principally the sindicatos dos trabalhadores rurais (STRs) and state federations of unions. The operational secretary of the Via Campesina-Brasil can be contacted at: viacampesina@terra. com.br. Telefax: 55.61.3322.5035, João Pedro Stédile et al., A situação internacional da agricultura (Brasília, 2004). The international peasant movement, Via Campesina, can be researched at: http://viacampesina.org/main_en/index.php. Accessed 20 April 2006.
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    • 34247533285 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • With no apparent evidence, the famous University of São Paulo sociologist has argued precisely the opposite point in this work and many others since his dissertation advisor and friend, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, became president
    • Martins, "Representing the Peasantry?" With no apparent evidence, the famous University of São Paulo sociologist has argued precisely the opposite point in this work and many others since his dissertation advisor and friend, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, became president.
    • Representing the Peasantry
    • Martins1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.