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Volumn 41, Issue 3, 2007, Pages 441-470

Customs of governance: Colonialism and democracy in twentieth century India

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIALISM; DEMOCRACY; ELECTRICITY; TWENTIETH CENTURY;

EID: 34247196700     PISSN: 0026749X     EISSN: 14698099     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X06002472     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (48)

References (200)
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    • Ibid.
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    • Ibid.
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    • Indeed, according to Abhay Mehta, the Delhi Electricity and Supply Undertaking, later reconstituted as the DVB, was 'one of the most corrupt and bankrupt organizations in the country.' Abhay Mehta, Power Play: A Study of the Enron Project (Mumbai, 2000), p. 10.
    • Indeed, according to Abhay Mehta, the Delhi Electricity and Supply Undertaking, later reconstituted as the DVB, was 'one of the most corrupt and bankrupt organizations in the country.' Abhay Mehta, Power Play: A Study of the Enron Project (Mumbai, 2000), p. 10.
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    • According to the Union Minister for Power, Mr. Sushilkumar Shinde, 31.5 per cent of electricity supply is lost in transmission and distribution compared to 7 per cent in China, 18 per cent each in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, 20 per cent in Myanmar, 21 per cent in Nepal and 26 per cent in Pakistan. He attributed these losses to 'low metering, billing and collection [in] efficiency, meter tampering and power theft.' Hindustan Times, 23 February 2006.
    • According to the Union Minister for Power, Mr. Sushilkumar Shinde, 31.5 per cent of electricity supply is lost in transmission and distribution (compared to 7 per cent in China, 18 per cent each in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, 20 per cent in Myanmar, 21 per cent in Nepal and 26 per cent in Pakistan. He attributed these losses to 'low metering, billing and collection [in] efficiency, meter tampering and power theft.' Hindustan Times, 23 February 2006.
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    • India has often performed poorly in the Corruption Perception index produced by Transparency International. For the Corruption Perception Index for 2005, see
    • India has often performed poorly in the Corruption Perception index produced by Transparency International. For the Corruption Perception Index for 2005, see http://ww1.transparency.org/cpi/2005/ 2005.10.18.cpi.en.html#cpi.
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    • Hindustan Times, 9 November 1997. The IAS Officers' Association has held a similar poll in several subsequent years. Two officers who placed by the 1997 poll among the three most corrupt officers in the service in 1997 eventually became Chief Secretary, or the head of the civil service in the province, in the following decade and appear to have attempted to prevent the conduct of a similar poll in 2005.
    • Hindustan Times, 9 November 1997. The IAS Officers' Association has held a similar poll in several subsequent years. Two officers who placed by the 1997 poll among the three most corrupt officers in the service in 1997 eventually became Chief Secretary, or the head of the civil service in the province, in the following decade and appear to have attempted to prevent the conduct of a similar poll in 2005.
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    • The Chief Justice of India, Y. K. Sabharwal, offered this estimate when he took office in October 2005. See The Tribune, 21 October 2005. This figure is widely employed. However, it is not clear that these estimates include the backlog in the lowest courts.
    • The Chief Justice of India, Y. K. Sabharwal, offered this estimate when he took office in October 2005. See The Tribune, 21 October 2005. This figure is widely employed. However, it is not clear that these estimates include the backlog in the lowest courts.
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    • Lawlessness is rampant nowadays. Few believe in following the rule of law
    • a senior counsel in the Bombay High Court, declared, 29 March
    • As Shekhar Naphade, a senior counsel in the Bombay High Court, declared, 'Lawlessness is rampant nowadays. Few believe in following the rule of law', Times of India, 29 March 2000.
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    • Indeed, as the noted economist, D. R. Gadgil, observed in 1950, 'Politicians as well as the ordinary man in the street allege today the average administrator in India is neither efficient nor honest. It is, of course, generally agreed that our traders have little moral sense and that few among the public at large exhibit the strength of character necessary in a regime of controls'. Curiously, politicians in Gadgil's narration made the allegations rather than becoming the object of them. Indeed, traders probably had as much moral sense in 1950 as 'politicians' and 'the ordinary man' allowed them to retain. D. R. Gadgil, 'Wartime Controls and Peacetime Ends' in Government of India, Ministry of Labour, Problems of Indian Labur: A Symposium (Simla, 1950), p. 5.
    • Indeed, as the noted economist, D. R. Gadgil, observed in 1950, 'Politicians as well as the ordinary man in the street allege today the average administrator in India is neither efficient nor honest. It is, of course, generally agreed that our traders have little moral sense and that few among the public at large exhibit the strength of character necessary in a regime of controls'. Curiously, politicians in Gadgil's narration made the allegations rather than becoming the object of them. Indeed, traders probably had as much moral sense in 1950 as 'politicians' and 'the ordinary man' allowed them to retain. D. R. Gadgil, 'Wartime Controls and Peacetime Ends' in Government of India, Ministry of Labour, Problems of Indian Labur: A Symposium (Simla, 1950), p. 5.
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    • This argument is elaborated in Chandavarkar, Imperial Politics and Popular Politics
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    • These assumptions and hypotheses have sometimes been offered as an explanation for workers' resistance and their propensity for violence by more recent writers. See
    • These assumptions and hypotheses have sometimes been offered as an explanation for workers' resistance and their propensity for violence by more recent writers. See, for instance, D. Arnold, 'Industrial Violence in Colonial India', Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 22, no. 2 (1980), pp. 234-55
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    • See, for instance, Report of the Committee Appointed by the Government of India to Investigate the Disturbances in the Punjab etc., Parliamentary Papers [henceforth, PP], 1920, XIV, Cmd. 681
    • See, for instance, Report of the Committee Appointed by the Government of India to Investigate the Disturbances in the Punjab etc., Parliamentary Papers [henceforth, PP], 1920, vol. XIV, Cmd. 681
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    • For an account, however a-historical, of the identification of popular politics with disease, contagion, irrationality, and conspiracy and also its description in terms of the speed and suddenness of its 'eruption, see, Delhi
    • For an account, however a-historical, of the identification of popular politics with disease, contagion, irrationality, and conspiracy and also its description in terms of the speed and suddenness of its 'eruption', see Ranajit Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in India (Delhi, 1983), pp. 221-26.
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    • On the political assertion of dalits, Y. Yadav, 'Understanding the Second Democratic Upsurge: Trends of Bahujan Participation in Electoral Politics in the 1990s', in F. Frankel, Z. Hasan, R. Bhargava and B. Arora (eds.), Transforming India: Social and Political Dynamics of Democracy (Delhi, 2000).
    • On the political assertion of dalits, Y. Yadav, 'Understanding the Second Democratic Upsurge: Trends of Bahujan Participation in Electoral Politics in the 1990s', in F. Frankel, Z. Hasan, R. Bhargava and B. Arora (eds.), Transforming India: Social and Political Dynamics of Democracy (Delhi, 2000).
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    • see Flavia Agnes, 'Protecting Women Against Violence? Review of a Decade of Legislation, 1980-1989', Economic and Political Weekly, 27, no. 17 (5 April 1992), pp. ws19-ws32
    • see Flavia Agnes, 'Protecting Women Against Violence? Review of a Decade of Legislation, 1980-1989', Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 27, no. 17 (5 April 1992), pp. ws19-ws32
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    • and Ratna Kapur and Brenda Crossman, Subversive Sites: Feminist Engagements with Law in India (New Delhi, 1996). For instance, the Indian Penal Code was amended to make 'cruelty' and harassment for dowry a cognizable offence, punishable by imprisonment. The Criminal procedure code was amended to make a post-mortem compulsory in the case of married women who had died within seven years of marriage. The Indian Evidence Act was amended to provide that in the event of a woman committing suicide within seven years of the date of her marriage, evidence that her husband or her family had subjected her to cruelty or harassed her for dowry was sufficient to allow the court to presume that they had abetted her suicide.
    • and Ratna Kapur and Brenda Crossman, Subversive Sites: Feminist Engagements with Law in India (New Delhi, 1996). For instance, the Indian Penal Code was amended to make 'cruelty' and harassment for dowry a cognizable offence, punishable by imprisonment. The Criminal procedure code was amended to make a post-mortem compulsory in the case of married women who had died within seven years of marriage. The Indian Evidence Act was amended to provide that in the event of a woman committing suicide within seven years of the date of her marriage, evidence that her husband or her family had subjected her to cruelty or harassed her for dowry was sufficient to allow the court to presume that they had abetted her suicide.
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    • Multiple Dimensions of Violence Against Rural Women in Uttar Pradesh: Macro and Micro Realities
    • Nisha Srivastava, 'Multiple Dimensions of Violence Against Rural Women in Uttar Pradesh: Macro and Micro Realities' in Ibid., pp. 235-91.
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    • the figures for the mid 1990s are from National Crime Research Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India 'Crimes in India' cited in Srivastava, 'Multiple Dimensions of Violence', pp. 242-49.
    • the figures for the mid 1990s are from National Crime Research Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India 'Crimes in India' cited in Srivastava, 'Multiple Dimensions of Violence', pp. 242-49.
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    • Dowry Deaths in Bangalore
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    • In 1999, the courts took six to seven years on average to dispose of cases of dowry violence in Bangalore. See Menon, Dowry Deaths in Bangalore, Similarly, according to the Government of India's own figures, more than a quarter of dowry deaths in 1998 were 'pending investigation' by the police while 85 per cent of cases that had reached the courts were 'pending trial, Crimes in India, 1998' National crime research Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, cited by Srivastava, Multiple Dimensions of Violence, pp. 245-46
    • In 1999, the courts took six to seven years on average to dispose of cases of dowry violence in Bangalore. See Menon, '"Dowry Deaths" in Bangalore'. Similarly, according to the Government of India's own figures, more than a quarter of dowry deaths in 1998 were 'pending investigation' by the police while 85 per cent of cases that had reached the courts were 'pending trial'. 'Crimes in India, 1998' National crime research Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, cited by Srivastava, 'Multiple Dimensions of Violence', pp. 245-46.
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    • Crime Against Women: Violence Within and Without
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    • Significantly, the architects of the state in Pakistan, especially its generals, showed a similar fondness for 'reserved powers' and 'dyarchy, See, Islamabad
    • Significantly, the architects of the state in Pakistan, especially its generals, showed a similar fondness for 'reserved powers' and 'dyarchy'. See Mohammed Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad, 1994)
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    • Compare, for instance, Julio Ribeiro's enunciation of 'the principles of mob control' with the nostrums of J. C. Curry, quoted above.
    • Compare, for instance, Julio Ribeiro's enunciation of 'the principles of mob control' with the nostrums of J. C. Curry, quoted above.
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    • See footnote 17 above
    • See footnote 17 above.
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    • on Bengal, see Government of India, Terrorism in India, 1917-1936 (Simla, 1937)
    • on Bengal, see Government of India, Terrorism in India, 1917-1936 (Simla, 1937)
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    • on the Quit India Movement, see GOI, Home (Poll), File 3/15/43
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    • and especially, the collection of articles on 'Electoral Politics in India, 1998-99', in Economic and Political Weekly, 34, nos. 34 and 35 (21 August-3 September 1999)
    • and especially, the collection of articles on 'Electoral Politics in India, 1998-99', in Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 34, nos. 34 and 35 (21 August-3 September 1999)
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    • On the political and electoral expression of the rivalries between dadas in Bombay, see the testimony of Govind Phansekar in N. Adarkar and M. Menon eds, Calcutta
    • On the political and electoral expression of the rivalries between dadas in Bombay, see the testimony of Govind Phansekar in N. Adarkar and M. Menon (eds.), A Hundred Years, A Hundred Voices: The Millworkers of Girangaon: An Oral History (Calcutta, 2004), pp. 290-303.
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    • 17 February
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    • S. Goyal, 'Social Background of Officers in the Indian Administrative Service', in F. Frankel and M. S. A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power: Decline of a Social Order, 1 (Delhi, 1989), Appendix II, pp. 425-33.
    • S. Goyal, 'Social Background of Officers in the Indian Administrative Service', in F. Frankel and M. S. A. Rao (eds.), Dominance and State Power: Decline of a Social Order, vol. 1 (Delhi, 1989), Appendix II, pp. 425-33.
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    • The Market for Public Office: Why the Indian State is Not Better at Development
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    • However, calculations about which of the public services will yield the most revenue in the form of bribes has sometimes acted to balance old considerations of status
    • However, calculations about which of the public services will yield the most revenue in the form of bribes has sometimes acted to balance old considerations of status.
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    • Evolving Trends in the Bureaucracy
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    • The question of the transfer of civil servants is widely and regularly reported in the Indian press. For a discussion of these issues before the political parties fragmented at the centre, see Wade, The Market for Public Office
    • The question of the transfer of civil servants is widely and regularly reported in the Indian press. For a discussion of these issues before the political parties fragmented at the centre, see Wade, 'The Market for Public Office'.
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    • 27 September
    • Hindustan Times, 27 September 1991.
    • (1991) Hindustan Times
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    • On the relations between politicians and the local police, see
    • On the relations between politicians and the local police, see Brass, Theft of an Idol, pp. 51-7
    • Theft of an Idol , pp. 51-57
    • Brass1
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    • 26 October, See National Police Commission quoted in Amnesty
    • Hindustan Times, 26 October 1986. See National Police Commission quoted in Amnesty.
    • (1986) Hindustan Times


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