"Do justice, do justice, for that is paradise": Middle eastern advice for indian muslim rulers

Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East

Volumn 22, Issue 1-2, 2002, Pages 3-19

  Darling, Linda T ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 34047198663     PISSN: 1089201X     EISSN: 1548226X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/1089201X-22-1-2-3     Document Type: Article

References (310)

1. Quoted in Phillip B. Wagoner, "Tidings of the King": A Translation and Ethnohistorical Analysis of the "Rayavacakamu" (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 95.
2. Wagoner, "Tidings", 196, n. 49;
3. Phillip B. Wagoner, "Iqta' and Nayamkara: Military Service Tenures and Political Theory from Saljuq Iran to Vijayanagara South India" (paper presented at the 25th Annual Conference on South Asia, Madison, WI, 18-20 October 1996), 13.
4. Abu Muhammad Abdallah b. Muslim b. Qutayba, Kitab Uyun al-Akhbar, 4 vols. (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1925-30), 1: 9, trans.
5. Bernard Lewis in Islam: from the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople, 2 vols. (New York: Harper & Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1973), 1: 185 (interpolations mine);
6. Josef Horovitz, "Ibn Quteiba's Uyun al- Akhbar," Islamic Culture 4 (1930): 193. I am currently preparing a study, provisionally entitled "Justice and Power in the Middle East," of this concept's history.
7. Jerrold S. Cooper, Presargonic Inscriptions, Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions,AOS Translation Series, vol.1 (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1986), 94.
8. For Hammurabi and others see Robert Dankoff, introduction to Wisdom of Royal Glory (Kutadgu Bilig): A Turko-Islamic Mirror for Princes, by Yusuf Khass Hajib (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 4-9.
9. The Denkard, bk. III, chap, 134, quoted in M. F. Kanga, "Kingship and Religion in Iran," Acta Iranica 3 (1974): 224;
10. see also J. de Menasce, trans., Le troisieme livre du Denkart (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1973), 138-139.
11. Kautilya's Arthasastra, trans. R. Shumasastry, 5th ed. (Mysore: Sri Raghuveer Printing Press, 1956), 287, 8.
12. The Laws of Manu, trans. Wendy Doniger and Brian K. Smith (London: Penguin Books, 1991), 135.
13. Kautilya's Arthasastra, trans. Shumasastry, 37, 437, 38.
14. According to scholars, the Arthasastra recommended that the government increase its wealth by fostering prosperity in the society, especially by ensuring the provision of water and maintaining irrigation facilities, and that it exercise its coercive power to keep the world in order and prevent the strong from oppressing the weak: B. P. Sinha, Readings in Kautilya's Arthasastra (Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1976), 4-5;
15. R. S. Saini, "The Concept of Danda in Manu and Kautilya," in Kautilya Arthasastra: An Appraisal, ed. Pushpendra Kumar (Delhi: Nag Publishers, 1989), 33.
16. See Mario Grignaschi, "Quelques specimens de la litterature sassanide conserves dans les bibliotheques d'Istanbul," Journal asiatique 254 (1966): 16-45, 129-130
17. Arthur Emmanuel Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides, 2nd ed. (Osnabrück: O. Zeller, 1971), 379;
18. for Chinese antecedents of Anushirvan's bell see Edward A. Kracke, Jr., "Early Visions of Justice for the Humble in East and West," Journal of the American Oriental Society 16 (1976): 492-498.
19. See, for example, Syed Sulaiman Nadwi, Indo-Arab Relations, trans. M. Salahuddin (Hyderabad: Institute of Indo-Middle East Cultural Studies, 1962).
20. See n. 3. Pre-ninth century sources, however, suggest that this concept of justice was understood, even taken for granted, by Muslims prior to the ninth century
21. J. Sadan, "A 'Closed-Circuit' Saying on Practical Justice," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987): 325-341.
22. See Nizam al-Mulk, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings: The Siyar al-Muluk or Siyasat-nama, trans. Hubert Darke, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), 34;
23. Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazali, Ghazali's Book of Counsel for Kings (Nasihat al-Muluk), trans. F. R. C. Bagley (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 56.
24. Rashiduddin Fazlullah, Jamiu't-Tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles, trans. W. M. Thackston, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, 1998-1999), 2: 328, 395, 410, 480, 560, 563, 628, 652;
25. M. Minovi and V. Minorsky, "Nasir al-Din Tusi on Finance," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 10 (1940-42): 769, 778.
26. In English see Julie Scott Meisami, "Kings and Lovers: Ethical Dimensions of Medieval Persian Romance," Edebiyat 1 (1987): 3-7;
27. Nizami Ganjavi, The Haft Paykar: A Medieval Persian Romance, trans. Julie Scott Meisami (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995);
28. Nizami Ganjavi, Makhzanol Asrar, The Treasury of Mysteries, trans. Gholam Hosein Darab (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1945), 217-19, 167-69, 157-160
29. English translations of the Sirr al-Asrar include Robert Steele, ed., Three Prose Versions of the Secreta Secretorum (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1896);
30. Moses Gaster, "The Hebrew Version of the 'Secretum Secretorum,' with an Introduction and an English Translation," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1907): 879-912, (1908): 111-162, 1065-1084;
31. Robert Steele, ed., Opera hactenus inedita Rogeri Baconi, vol.5: Secretum Secretorum, English trans. Ismail Ali (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920), 224-27;
32. M. A. Manzalaoui, ed., Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions, vol.1 (Oxford: Early English Text Society, 1997).
33. Fakhr al-Din Razi, Jami al-Ulum (Compendium of Sciences), ed. Muhammad Husayn Tasbihi (Tehran: Kitabkhanah Asadi, 1324/1906), 207;
34. Ann K. S. Lambton, State and Government in Medieval Islam, An Introduction to the Study of Islamic Political Theory: The Jurists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 136-137.
35. Rashid al-Din Fadlallah Tabib, Mukatabat-i Rashidi, ed. Muammad Shafi' (Lahore: Kulliyat-i Panjab, 1945), 120;
36. A. H. Morton, "The Letters of Rashid al-Din: Ilkhanid Fact or Timurid Fiction?" in The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy, ed. Reuven Amitai-Preiss and David O. Morgan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999), 155-99. Rashid al-Din's letters, Razi's compendium, and Davvani's Akhlaq-i Jalali all became standard works in the curriculum of the Mughal administrative elite.
37. Jalal al-Din Muhammad Davvani, Akhlaq-i Jalali (Lucknow: Matba'-i Munshi Naval Kishur, 1866), 331;
38. for the translation see S. H. Deen, The English Translation of "The Akhlak-i-Jalali," A Code of Morality in Persian (Lahore: Sheikh Mubarak Ali, 1939), 244;
39. not translated (replaced by asterisks) in the older translation, W. F. Thompson, Practical Philosophy of the Muhammadan People (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1839).
40. Muhammad Nazim, "The Pand-Namah of Subuktigin," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1933): 624, interpolation mine. Bosworth doubted the ability of a "barbarian" to write such a sophisticated testament, but between his upbringing at the Samanid court in the chamberlain's household and his access to a traditional scribal cadre, Sebuktegin's authorship need not be denied;
41. cf. C. E. Bosworth, "Early Sources for the History of the First Four Ghaznavid Sultans (977-1041)," Islamic Quarterly 7 (1963): 19-20.
42. [Abu al-Nasr Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Jabbar] al- Utbi, The Kitab-i-Yamini: Historical Memoirs of the Amir Sabaktagin, and the Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, trans. James Reynolds (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1858; rpt. ed., Lahore: Qausain, 1975), 21, 150, 345, 470, 483;
43. Baihaqi, "Tarikhu-s Subuktigin," in The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians, ed. and trans. H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, 10 vols. (London: Trübner, 1869; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966, hereafter Elliot and Dowson), 2: 72. I have used Elliot and Dow - son's incomplete translations reluctantly, but there were cases when no other was available or when another version's wording was less clear.
44. See Julie Scott Meisami, "Ghaznavid Panegyrics: Some Political Implications," Iran 28 (1990): 35;
45. Jerome W. Clinton, The Divan of Manuchihri Damghani: A Critical Study (Minneapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1972), 132, 138.
46. 25Here they had the example of their Ghurid predecessors: ghazi valor preceded justice and order in the praises of a prince by Nizami Aruzi in his Four Discourses, written for the Ghurids about 1156: Edward G. Browne, "The Chahar Maqala ("Four Discourses") of Nidhami-i-Arudi-i- Samarqandi," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1899): 619-620
47. Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani, Tabakat-i Nasiri: A General History of the Muhammedan Dynasties of Asia, trans. H. G. Raverty (London: Gilbert and Rivington, 1881-1897; rpt. Osnabruck: Biblio Verlag, 1991), 1: 667, 2: 1007, 1011, 1053, 1123, 1135.
48. Quoted in Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo Islamic World, vol. 2: The Slave Kings and the Islamic Conquest, 11th-13th Centuries (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 184. An Ayyubid aspirant to the throne, contesting the succession of his nephew, proclaimed: "Kingship is not for inheritance but for the conqueror";
49. al-Maqrizi, A History of the Ayyubid Sultans of Egypt, trans. R. J. C. Broadhurst (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980), 135.
50. For a description of these feasts see Qalqashandi, "Subh al-A'sha," in Arab Accounts of India (During the Fourteenth Century), ed. M. Zaki (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1981), 105.
51. Quoted in W. E. Begley, Monumental Islamic Calligraphy from India (Villa Park, IL: Islamic Foundation, 1985), 27, 28, 38, 41.
52. Juzjani, Tabakat-i Nasiri, 1: 637. "She was endowed with all the qualities befitting a king, but she was not born of the right sex, and so in the estimation of men all these virtues were worthless" (Juzjani, "Tabakat-i Nasiri," in Elliot and Dowson, 2: 332).
53. Begley, Monumental Islamic Calligraphy, 27, 28, 38.
54. Abd al-Qadir b. Muluk Shah al-Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t- Tawarikh, ed. and trans. George S. A. Ranking, 3 vols., rev. ed. (Patna, India: Academica Asiatica, 1973), 1: 184.
55. Yahya b. Ahmad Sirhindi, The Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi, trans. K. K. Basu (Karachi: Karimsons, 1977), 148.
56. Taj al-Din Hasan Nizami, Taj ul ma'athir (The Crown of Glorious Deeds), trans. Bhagwat Saroop (Delhi: Saud Ahmad Dehlavi, 1998), 98, 181, 180. The translation of this work in Elliot and Dowson omitted as superfluous most descriptions of Aybak's justice (see 2: 218, 226, 232, 237, 239) and didactic passages on the duties of a good ruler (2: 224, 241).
57. Nizami, Taj ul ma'athir, 99, 193. In the last quotation, water may be simply a metaphor for justice, but in view of the Delhi Sultans' involvement in water management, there may well be a concrete reference behind this imagery.
58. Nizami, Taj ul ma'athir, 65, 177, 105.
59. For Bahram and the owls see Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal, abridged by N. J. Dawood (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), 1: 80.
60. Quoted in Sunil Kumar, "The Value of the Adab al- Muluk as a Historical Source: An Insight into the Ideals and Expectations of Islamic Society in the Middle Period (A.D. 945-1500)," The Indian Economic and Social History Review 22 (1985): 314.
61. Other sources state that the mazalim court was not established until mid-century under Sultan Nasir al-Din; Muhammad Basheer Ahmad, The Administration of Justice in Medieval India (Allahabad: Aligarh Historical Research Institute 1941), 105.
62. Muhammad Awfi, "Jami'u-l Hikayat," in Elliot and Dowson, 2: 162.
63. Quotations from Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, State and Culture in Medieval India (New Delhi: Adam Publishers and Distributors, 1985), 123;
64. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, Perso-Arabic Sources of Information on the Life and Conditions in the Sultanate of Delhi (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1992), 170.
65. Listed by L. Bouvat, Les Barmecides d'apres les historiens arabes et perses (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1912), 10-20; most of these works, mentioned or quoted by later authors, are now lost.
66. See also Charles Schefer, Chrestomathie persane (Paris: 1883-1885, rpt. Amsterdam: APA-Philo Press, 1976), 2: 7-13.
67. Quoted in Syed Hassan Barani, "Ziauddin Barani," Islamic Culture 12 (1938): 89;
68. see also Peter Hardy, "Didactic Historical Writing in Indian Islam: Ziya al-Din Barani's Treatment of the Reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq (1324-1351)," in Islam in Asia, ed. Yohanan Friedmann, 4 vols. (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984), 1: 39.
69. Barani portrayed Muhammad's predecessor Ghiyath al-Din as a model of generosity and concern for the subjects; Satish Chandra, Medieval India, from Sultanat to the Mughals (New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1997), 98, 106.
70. Ziauddin Barani, The Political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate (Including a Translation of Ziauddin Barani's "Fatawa-i Jahandari," circa 1358-9 A.D.), trans. Mohammad Habib and Afsar Umar Salim Khan (Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, n.d.), 67.
71. Barani, Political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate, 16, 17;
72. Hardy, "Didactic Historical Writing," 1 41-42.
73. Barani, Political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate, 75, 53-54, 19-21.
74. Quoted in Nizami, State and Culture, 77, 78.
75. Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli, 5th rev. ed. (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1971), 127-128
76. Nizami, State and Culture, 134, 129;
77. Barani, "Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi," in Elliot and Dowson, 2: 99-114;
78. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate, 126-27, 241;
79. Sirhindi, Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi, 130-31, 137;
80. W. H. Moreland, The Agrarian System of Moslem India: A Historical Essay with Appendices (Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons, 1929), 59, 57;
81. Shams-i Siraj Afif, "Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi," in Elliot and Dowson, 3: 300-301.
82. A. R. Fuller and A. Khallaque, The Reign of Alauddin Khilji, translated from Zia-ud-din Barani's Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (Calcutta: Pilgrim Publishers, 1967), 80, 96, 103-9;
83. see also Chandra, Medieval India, 77-81.
84. R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1964), 260-62;
85. Moreland, Agrarian System, 35;
86. Cambridge History of Islam, 2A: 10-11.
87. Barani, "Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi," 3: 230, 238, 250. According to the historian al-Umari, by this policy "the reign of this Sultan has been specially blessed for the increase of foodgrains" (quoted in Siddiqi, Perso-Arabic Sources, 132).
88. Afif, "Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi," 3: 288, 290, 377, 302-3, 317, 354, 361, 373;
89. Sirhindi, Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi, 121;
90. Sultan Firoz Shah, "Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi," in Elliot and Dowson, 3: 377, 382-385
91. Nizami, State and Culture, 127.
92. Derogatory descriptions of this innovative ruler in the histories of India have been ascribed to a conservative political reaction under his successor (Siddiqi, Perso-Arabic Sources, 108, 152).
93. Muhammad b. Abd Allah ibn Battuta, The Rehla of Ibn Battuta (India, Maldive Islands and Ceylon), trans. Mahdi Husain (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1976), 57-60; 47;
94. see also Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Ed., s.v. "Diwan." Nizam al-Mulk had earlier recommended consultation with qadis to rulers unlearned in Islamic law. On the other hand, Sirhindi, indebted to Muhammad Tughluq's successor, described these consultations as an elaborate cover for granting legal consent to injustices (Tarikh-i Mubarakshahi, 118).
95. Muhammad al-Khujandi, related by Ibn Fadlallah al- Umari, in Zaki, Arab Accounts of India, 42-44. Discrepancies between his account and Ibn Battuta's suggest that he conflated receptions of dignitaries and mazalim audiences.
96. See also an anecdote about the justice of Ghiyath al- Din of Bengal in Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 254-256
97. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, 83-84; 33; Iltutmish is also supposed to have gone about in disguise to see for himself if justice was being done (Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 98).
98. S. A. Rashid, "Dastur-ul-Albab fi Ilm-il-Hisab," Medieval India Quarterly 1, no.3-4 (1950): 74.
99. Abdullah, "Tarikh-i Daudi," in Elliot and Dowson, 4: 446;
100. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, The Afghan Despotism in India, 1451-1555 (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Islamic Studies, 1966), 81-82, 49.
101. Abdullah, "Tarikh-i Daudi," 4: 445;
102. Bernard Dorn, History of the Afghans, translated from the Persian of Neamat Ullah, 2nd. ed. (London: Susil Gupta, 1965), 66.
103. Abdullah, "Tarikh-i Daudi," 4: 448, 454.
104. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, "The Agrarian System of the Afghans," Studies on Islam 2 (1965): 251.
105. Quoted in Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 65;
106. see Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1707-1740, 2nd ed. (New Delhi: People's Publishing House, 1972), xxiv, xlvi.
107. Abbas Khan Sarwani, "Tarikh-i Sher Shahi," in Elliot and Dowson, 4: 422.
108. Abbas Khan Sarwani, T arikh-i-Ser Sahi, trans. Brahmadeva Prasad Ambashthya (Patna: K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, 1974), 20.
109. Sarwani, Tarikh-i-Ser Sahi, 761, 749.
110. Siddiqi, Afghan Despotism, 101-2;
111. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate, 161-62;
112. Juzjani, Tabakat, 274-76, where the word mazalim has been omitted in Raverty's translation (see Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate, 161, n. 5).
113. Sarwani, "Tarikh-i Sher Shahi," 4: 433;
114. Siddiqi, "Agrarian System of the Afghans," 253.
115. Ahmad Hasan Dani, "Amir Khusrau as a Historian," in Amir Khusrau Dehlavi, Qiran al-Sa'dain (Islamabad: Iran Pakistan Institute of Persian Studies, 1976), 4, 2;
116. Amir Khusrau Dihlavi, Khamsa, ed. Tahir Ahmed-oglu Maharramov, vol.1: Matla' al-Anvar (Moscow: Akademiia Nauk Azerbaidjanskoi SSR, 1975), 58-73.
117. Isami, Futuhu's Salatin, or, Shah Namah-i Hind of Isami, trans. Agha Mahdi Husain, 3 vols. (Bombay, New York: Asia Publishing House, published for the Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, 1967, 1977), 1: 83, 103.
118. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation," Journal of Asian Studies 51 (1992): 342-44;
119. A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, "L'Ecole de Shiraz et les origines de la miniature moghole," in Paintings from Islamic Lands, ed. R. Pinder-Wilson (Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1969), 124-41;
120. Stuart Cary Welch, India: Art and Culture, 1300-1900 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art and Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1985), 126-28.
121. On the Ottomans see also Rosemary Crill, "Turkish Influence on the Arts of the Mughal Period," in Seventh International Congress of Turkish Art, ed. Tadeusz Majda (Warsaw: Polish Scientific Publishers, 1990), 71.
122. Norah M. Titley, Persian Miniature Painting and Its Influence on the Art of Turkey and India: The British Library Collections (London: The British Library, 1983), 161-85;
123. B. W. Robinson, Fifteenth-Century Persian Painting: Problems and Issues (New York: New York University Press, 1991), 61-75;
124. Ernst J. Grube, ed., A Mirror for Princes from India: Illustrated Versions of the "Kalilah wa Dimnah," "Anvar-i Suhayli," "Iyar-i Danish," and "Humayun Nameh," (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1991), 128-44.
125. For one such manuscript of Nizami's tale of Alexander see Robert Skelton, "The Iskandar Nama of Nusrat Shah," in Toby Falk et al., Indian Painting: Mughal and Rajput and a Sultanate Manuscript (London: P & D Colnaghi, 1978), 133-152
126. George Mitchell, The Vijayanagara Courtly Style: Incorporation and Synthesis in the Royal Architecture of Southern India, 15th-17th Centuries (Delhi: Manohar, 1991), 48-51, 66-67.
127. A. Rangasvami Sarasvati, "Political Maxims of the Emperor- Poet, Krishnadeva Raya," Journal of Indian History 4, no.3 (1926): 64, 69-70.
128. Douglas E. Streusand, The Formation of the Mughal Empire (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), 5, 37.
129. In Arabic, translated by Thomas W. Lentz and Glenn D. Lowry, Timur and the Princely Vision: Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, and Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1989), 12.
130. Ebba Koch, "Mughal Palace Gardens from Babur to Shah Jahan (1526-1648)," Muqarnas 14 (1997): 143-165
131. Lisa Golombek, "From Tamerlane to the Taj Mahal," in Essays in Islamic Art and Architecture: In Honor of Katharina Otto-Dorn, ed. Abbas Daneshvari (Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1981), 48.
132. The concept of the state as garden also appeared in Indian political ideology: "A king resembles a gardener and should carry out, in regard to his subjects, the course pursued in the care of his garden" (quoted in Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign: With Special Reference to Abu'l Fazl [1556-1605] [New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1975], 365, n. 2).
133. Zahiru'd-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi, The Babur-nama in English (Memoirs of Babur), trans. Annette Susannah Beveridge, 3 vols. (London: Luzac and Co., 1922, rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1971--hereafter Babur/Beveridge, Babur-nama), 1: 381, 2: 465, 531-33, 606-7, 610-12, 615-16, 639, 686.
134. Babur has been credited with initiating a Timurid renaissance in India: Stephen Frederic Dale, "The Legacy of the Timurids," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, ser. 3, 8 (1998): 44.
135. Others see Babur as having been closer to the tribal culture of his Chingizid maternal relations; cf. Maria Eva Subtelny, " Babur's Rival Relations: A Study of Kinship and Conflict in 15th-16th Century Central Asia," Der Islam 66 (1989): 113-15;
136. Paul L. Hanson, "Sovereignty and Service Relationships in the Timurid Corporate Dynasty under Babur: The Continuing Legacy of The Chingis Khanid Political System" (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1985).
137. Babur, The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor, trans. Wheeler M. Thackston (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art/New York: Oxford University Press, 1996--hereafter Babur/Thackston, Baburnama), 167, 53, 57, 60.
138. Babur/Beveridge, B a b u r - n a m a , 1: 281;
139. cf. Babur/ Thackston, Baburnama, 220.
140. Babur/Beveridge, Babur-nama, 1: 323, 380-84, 2: 454;
141. Babur/Thackston, Baburnama, 252, 276-77, 315.
142. Muhammad Abdu'l Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court (Allahabad: Indian Press, 1929), 48.
143. For this Shahnama manuscript, which still survives, see J. V. S. Wilkinson, The Shah-Namah of Firdausi: The Book of the Persian Kings (London: Oxford University Press, 1931).
144. Muzaffar Alam, "State Building under the Mughals: Re ligion, Culture and Politics," Cahiers d'Asie centrale 3/4 (1997): 114.
145. Khwandamir, Qanun-i-Humayuni (Also Known as Humayun Nama), trans. Baini Prashad (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1940; rpt. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1996), 27, 82.
146. Abdu'l Ghani, History of Persian Language, 96;
147. Khwandamir, Qanun, 5; 8, 31, 57; 10, 23.
148. Khwandamir, Qanun, 25.
149. Jawhar, The Tezkereh al Vakiat, or Private Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Humayun, trans. Major Charles Stewart (London, 1832: rpt. Santiago de Compostela, Spain: Susil Gupta Publishers, 1969), 112.
150. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History, 197. In the late seventeenth century even Hindu scribes wrote administrative manuals in Persian (Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History 197, n. 1). The philosophical works, moreover, became part of the curriculum of the ulama and the Hindu elites (Alam, "State Building," 116).
151. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-Nama, quoted in Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbar Nama: A Visual Chronicle of Mughal India (Calcutta: Lustre Press, 1984), 33.
152. Abu al-Fazl, The Akbar-nama, trans. H. Beveridge, 3 vols. (Asiatic Society of Bengal), (rpt. Delhi: Rare Books, 1972), 3: 755.
153. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History, 80.
154. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History, 353.
155. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 1: 35, 47, 2: 70, 3: 57, 702, 753.
156. Sometimes he seems to have been making a vague allusion to the granting of proper rewards to the nobility (Abu al- Fazl, Akbar-nama, 1: 633, 2: 2, 230, 315, 3: 14, 549, 1062);
157. at others to protection and care for the peasantry (Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 1: 635, 638, 2: 197, 334, 3: 680).
158. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 46.
159. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 89.
160. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 830, 1063, 1085-87, 1089;
161. Abu al-Fazl, "Akbar-nama," in Elliot and Dowson, 6: 94;
162. Inayatullah, "Takmila-i Akbar-nama," in Elliot and Dowson, 6: 111.
163. Justice and taxation reform, Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 165-67;
164. and conquest, 122, 306, 715, 790, 911, 1250;
165. and spiritual dominion, 56, 1088;
166. and tax remission, 437 (tamgha), 1029 (ferry tolls).
167. M. A. Ansari, Administrative Documents of Mughal India (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1984), 45.
168. S. A. I. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents (1526-1627) (New Delhi: Manohar, 1989), 51, 61.
169. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 509, 560-66, 812;
170. Abu al- Fazl, "Akbar-nama," in Elliot and Dowson, 6: 62, 63;
171. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 252-254.
172. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 747;
173. Habib, Agrarian System, 230-31, 249-50;
174. Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire (Lohanipur: N. V. Publications, n.d.), 173-76;
175. John F. Richards, The New Cambridge History of India, I.5: The Mughal Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 67.
176. Abu al-Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, trans. H. Blochmann, ed. D. C. Phillott, 2nd ed. (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1927, rpt. Lahore: Qausain, 1975), 1: 165.
177. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 686.
178. Streusand, Formation, 93-94 and n. 34, 124-29;
179. for paintings of the "viewing window" see Milo Cleveland Beach and Ebba Koch, King of the World: The Padshahnama (London: Azimuth Editions Ltd. and Smithsonian Institution, 1997), 223, figs. 157 and 158.
180. Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 204, 268.
181. Richard Foltz, "Cultural Contacts between Central Asia and Mughal India," Central Asiatic Journal 42 (1998): 56-57;
182. Milo Cleveland Beach, Early Mughal Painting (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 84.
183. Eleonor G. Sims, "The Turks and Illustrated Historical Texts," in Fifth International Congress of Turkish Art, ed. G. Fe hér (Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1978), 754 n. 38.
184. Milo Cleveland Beach, The Imperial Image: Paintings for the Mughal Court (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, 1981), 116, 119.
185. Barbara Brend, The Emperor Akbar's "Khamsa" of Nizami (London: British Library, 1995), 9-10, 70-71.
186. Rulers ordered these illustrated manuscripts in multiple copies for distribution to important people (Beach and Koch, King of the World, 119).
187. Abu al-Fazl, Akbar-nama, 3: 1014.
188. Abu al-Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, 1: 2, 4;
189. Abu al-Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, 3: 451;
190. Abu al-Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, 1: 12;
191. Abu al-Fazl, Ain-i Akbari, 2: 46.
192. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, cited in Ram Prasad Khosla, Mughal Kingship and Nobility (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1976), 128;
193. Streusand, Formation, 72.
194. Shirin Moosvi, The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A Statistical Study (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987), 186;
195. Richards, Mughal Empire, 82;
196. Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 168-70;
197. Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 5th ed. (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar and Sons, 1963), 11;
198. Streusand, Formation, 72, 78, 178.
199. [Bindraban, son of] Rai Bhara Mal, "Lubbu-t Tawarikh-i Hind," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 172;
200. Qureshi, Administration of the Mughal Empire, 197.
201. Streusand, Formation, 52-56;
202. Richards, Mughal Empire, 75.
203. Foltz, "Cultural Contacts," 45-46;
204. Richard Foltz, "Central Asians in the Administration of Mughal India," Journal of Asian History 31 (1997): 144;
205. Subrahmanyam, "Iranians Abroad," 346.
206. Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, Refashioning Iran: Orientalism, Occidentalism, and Historiography (Houndmills, Eng.: Palgrave, 2001), 85-95.
207. The evidence contradicts the statement of Irfan Habib that "no particular interest was shown in Timur during Akbar's son Jahangir's reign";
208. see "Timur in the Political Tradition and Historiography of Mughal India," Cahiers d'Asie centrale 3/4 (1997): 303. The favor shown to "Iranis" over "Turanis" that Subrahmanyam notes seems odd in the light of this Timurid emphasis, but a possible explanation is that by the seventeenth century "Turani" referred not broadly to "Turks" but more narrowly to Uzbeks, while "Irani" indicated the Safavi heirs of the Timurids, of whatever ethnicity, then at the height of their cultural development. If that is the case, then the decrease in the number of "Turanis" in high positions may reflect not an ethnic reorientation but merely a political realignment.
209. Lentz and Lowry, Timur and the Princely Vision, 320-323
210. Quoted in Richard C. Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 28. Timur's title of Gurgan, "son-in-law," referred to his legitimation through marriage to a Chingizid princess. Jahangir may also have been responsible for a renewed interest in the Mongol yasa that appeared in the early seventeenth century, but with a new meaning in the Indian context;
211. Timur's title of Gurgan, "son-in-law," referred to his legitimation through marriage to a Chingizid princess. Jahangir may also have been responsible for a renewed interest in the Mongol yasa that appeared in the early seventeenth century, but with a new meaning in the Indian context; Mansura Haider, "The Yasai Chingizi (Tura) in the Medieval Indian Sources," in Mongolia: Culture, Economy and Politics, ed. R. C. Sharma et al. (New Delhi: Khama Publishers, 1992), 59;
212. Streusand, Formation, 7.
213. Ebba Koch, "Jahangir and the Angels: Recently Discovered Wall Paintings under European Influence in the Fort of Lahore," in India and the West: Proceedings of a Seminar Dedicated to the Memory of Hermann Goetz, ed. Joachim Deppert (New Delhi: Manohar, 1983), 176, 183-186
214. Sajida S. Alvi, "Religion and State during the Reign of Mughal Emperor Jahangir (1605-27): Nonjuristical Perspectives," Studia Islamica 69 (1989): 99-100, 102.
215. Muhammad Baqir Najm-i Sani, Advice on the Art of Governance: An Indo-Islamic Mirror for Princes, trans. Sajida Sultana Alvi (Albany: SUNY Press, 1989), 42-43, 45.
216. Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, or Memoirs of Jahangir, trans. Alexander Rogers, ed. Henry Beveridge, 2 vols. in 1 (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 1914; rpt. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1968), 1: 7;
217. for the testimony of European visitors on the chain see Khosla, Mughal Kingship and Nobility, 132-133
218. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 2: 14;
219. Jahangir, Tuzuk, 1: 235;
220. B. S. Jain, Administration of Justice in Seventeenth Century India: A Study of Salient Concepts of Mughal Justice (Delhi: Metropolitan Book Co., 1970), 124;
221. Aniruddha Ray, Some Aspects of Mughal Administration (New Delhi: Kalyani Publishers, 1984), 39;
222. Rafat M. Bilgrami, Religious and Quasi-Religious Departments of the Mughal Period (1556-1707) (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1984), 101.
223. Welch, India, 184, 186;
224. Beach and Koch, King of the World, 29, 36-37.
225. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 86-125.
226. Dale, "Legacy of the Timurids," 46-47;
227. Beach and Koch, King of the World, 160, 26-27, pl. 3-4;
228. Shah Jahan also had Timur depicted presenting the crown to Babur (Beach and Koch, King of the World, 160, fig. 69).
229. Ebba Koch, "Shah Jahan and Orpheus: The Pietre Dure Decoration and the Programme of the Throne in the Hall of Public Audiences at the Red Fort of Delhi," in Ebba Koch, Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology: Collected Essays (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), 110;
230. Koch, "Mughal Palace Gardens," 158-59;
231. Beach and Koch, King of the World, 191, fig. 111;
232. for similarly decorated walls in Ajmer, Agra, and Mandu see Beach and Koch, King of the World, 29, pl. 5; 41, pl. 10; 97. pl. 134.
233. Michael Brand, "Orthodoxy, Innovation, and Revival: Considerations of the Past in Imperial Mughal Tomb Architecture," Muqarnas 10 (1993): 332;
234. Golombek, "From Tamerlane to the Taj Mahal," 49;
235. M. E. Subtelny, "Mirak-i Sayyid Ghiyas and the Timurid Tradition of Landscape Architecture," Studia Islamica 24 (1995): 49.
236. Lahori, Badshahnama, quoted in M. Athar Ali, "Towards an Interpretation of the Mughal Empire," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1978): 43; this justice extended to the nobility as well as the common people.
237. Beach and Koch, King of the World, 137;
238. Beach and Koch, King of the World 191;
239. Beach and Koch, King of the World 83, pl. 32;
240. Beach and Koch, King of the World 41, pl. 10;
241. Beach and Koch, King of the World 219, fig. 145.
242. Jain, Administration of Justice, 124.
243. Wahed Husain, Administration of Justice during the Muslim Rule in India (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1934), 5;
244. Ray, Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, 38;
245. U. N. Day, The Mughal Government, A.D. 1556-1707 (New Delhi: Munsiram Manoharlal, 1969), 221.
246. He himself decided all capital cases and those relating to state security (Day, Mughal Government, 220).
247. A miniature painting shows a scale decorating his throne pavilion (Beach and Koch, King of the World, 220, fig. 149).
248. Ebba Koch, "Diwan-i Amm and Chihil Sutun: The Audience Halls of Shah Jahan," Muqarnas 11 (1994): 148-49, 152;
249. for the tents that these halls replaced see Beach and Koch, King of the World, 41, pl. 10; 53, pl. 17; 208, fig. 129.
250. Ebba Koch, "The Influence of Jesuit Missions on Symbolic Representations of the Mughal Emperors," in Mughal Art, 7-10;
251. Koch, "Shah Jahan and Orpheus," 85, 128;
252. Alam, "State Building," 121.
253. Alam, "State Building," 107;
254. John F. Richards, Document Forms for Official Orders of Appointment in the Mughal Empire: Translation, Notes and Text (Cambridge: E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 1986), 9.
255. Quoted in Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, introduction to The Mughal State, 1526-1750, ed. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 30, interpolation mine.
256. K. P. Srivastava, ed., Mughal Farmans (1540 A.D. to 1706 A.D.) (Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh State Archives, 1976), 36, 44;
257. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 43, 46, 48, 102, 116, 117, 143;
258. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 69.
259. Tirmizi, Mughal Documents, 2: 44, 115.
260. Abdu-l Hamid Lahori, "Badshah-nama," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 25, 43;
261. Inayat Khan, "Shah Jahan-nama," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 85-86;
262. Habib, Agrarian System, 250, 256.
263. [Bindraban, son of] Rai Bhara Mal, "Lubbu-t Tawarakh-i Hind," 7: 171.
264. François Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire AD 1656-1668 (1891; rpt. Delhi: S. Chang and Co., 1968), 167-68, 161.
265. Even as a prince, Aurangzeb held court regularly; Mohammed Ziauddin Ahmed (Shakeb), ed., Mughal Archives: A Descriptive Catalogue of the Documents Pertaining to the Reign of Shah Jahan (1628-1658), vol.1 (Hyderabad: State Archives, Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1977), 134, 177, 187, 202-3, 227.
266. Muhammad Saki Mustaidd Khan, "Ma-asir-i Alamgiri," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 192.
267. "In the wake of the glorious succession of the Emperor⋯[ s]editions and rebellions became like a vain dream. Oppression and exploitation were stopped. The garden of justice was added with new edifice of glory." Ishwardas Nagar, Futuhat-i-Alamgiri, trans. and ed. Tasneem Ahmad (Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1978), 2.
268. Bakhtawar Khan, "Mir-at-i Alam, Mir-at-i Jahannuma," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 156-61, 283.
269. Muhammad Hashim, Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, trans. S. Moinul Haq (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1975), 93-95, 215;
270. quotation from Khafi Khan, "Muntakhabul Lubab," in Elliot and Dowson, 7: 248.
271. Jamshid H. Bilimoria, trans., Rukaat-i-Alamgiri, or, Letters of Aurungzebe (Bombay: Cherag Printing Press, 1908), 55; see also 19-20, 26-27, 29, 35, 40, 66; other quotations on 19, 31, 67, 28, 43.
272. Bilimoria, Rukaat, 93, 130-131.
273. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 176.
274. Richards, Document Forms, 32.
275. Bilimoria, Rukaat, 36;
276. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 49.
277. Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 215-16;
278. Ray, Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, 101.
279. Ray, Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, 38, 41;
280. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 94;
281. Jain, Administration of Justice, 125.
282. Bilgrami, Religious and Quasi-Religious Departments, 103.
283. Bilimoria, Rukaat, 33, 34, 36, 40, 44;
284. Sri Ram Sharma, Mughal Government and Administration (Bombay: Hind Kitabs Limited, 1951), 210-15;
285. Srivastava, Mughal Farmans, 57.
286. 156Bernier, Travels, 260-61, 263, 265.
287. Bernier, Travels, 360-61;
288. Khosla, Mughal Kingship and Nobility, 136.
289. Husain, Administration of Justice, 55;
290. Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 251;
291. for examples see Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 253-54, Sharma, Mughal Government and Administration, 33, 36;
292. Bernier, Travels, 235-236
293. Husain, Administration of Justice, 53;
294. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, 109;
295. Day, Mughal Government, 228-29;
296. Bakhtawar Khan, "Mir-at-i Alam, Mir-at-i Jahan-numa," 159-160.
297. Niccolao Manucci, Memoirs of the Mogul Court, ed. Michael Edwardes (London: Folio Society, n.d.), 25-26;
298. Khafi Khan, "Muntakhabu-l Lubab," 293;
299. Chandra, Parties and Politics, 259-261.
300. Khafi Khan, "Muntakhabu-l Lubab," 296;
301. Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 258-59.
302. For widening class conflict under the later Mughal rulers see Wilfred Cantwell Smith, "Lowerclass Uprisings in the Mughal Empire," Islamic Culture 20 (1946): 21-40.
303. Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 541.
304. Khafi Khan, "Muntakhabu-l Lubab," 386-87;
305. Khafi Khan, History of Alamgir, 540.
306. Jadunath Sarkar, "The Condition of the People in Auranzib's Reign," in The Mughal State, 303-22;
307. Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 270.
308. Husain, Administration of Justice, 42;
309. Charles Stewart, comp. and trans., Original Persian Letters and Other Documents (London: Kingsbury, Parbury, Allen, and Co, 1825);
310. Ahmad, Administration of Justice, 30-32, 52-53.