Reopening the "opening of Japan": A Russian-Japanese revolutionary encounter and the vision of anarchist progress

American Historical Review

Volumn 112, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 101-130

  Konishi, Sho ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA CHAMPAIGN   (United States)

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EID: 33947702497     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.112.1.101     Document Type: Review

References (151)

1. In this article, only when referring to how nineteenth-century Russians described the events surrounding the overthrow of the Tokugawa feudal regime do I use the term "revolution." Elsewhere I use the Japanese term "Ishin." On the problem of rendering Meiji Ishin as "Restoration" in translation,
2. see, for example, Tetsuo Najita, "Japan's Industrial Revolution in Historical Perspective," in Masao Miyoshi and H. D. Harootunian, eds., Japan in the World (Durham, N.C., 1993), 19-23.
3. Lev Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii: Meidzi," in A. A. Shcherbina, ed., Iaponiia na perelome: Izbrannye stat'i i ocherki (Vladivostok, 1992), 76. All translations are mine unless otherwise noted.
4. I use a new term, "cooperatist," instead of "cooperativist," to emphasize an ethic and subjectivity of cooperation not limited to the enterprise of the cooperative, a society of persons for the distribution of goods.
5. While Mechnikov had conspired with Bakunin in revolutionary activities in the 1860s, he acknowledged that their relationship was fairly negative. Hoover Institution of War and Peace Archives, Stanford, California, B. I. Nicolaevsky Collection, Box 183, #34, Letter from L. Mechnikov to Vasilii Danilovich, January 29, 1884.
6. For a theoretical discussion on the reimagination of time and the possibility for alternative identities, see Lawrence Grossberg, "History, Imagination and the Politics of Belonging: Between the Death and the Fear of History," in Paul Gilroy, Lawrence Grossberg, and Angela McRobbie, eds., Without Guarantees: In Honour of Stuart Hall (London, 2000), 148-164.
7. See F. G. Notehelfer's important contribution to our earlier knowledge of Japanese anarchism, Kōtoku Shūsui: Portrait of a Japanese Radical (Cambridge, 1971).
8. Other, more recent works that have similarly described anarchism in Japan include Germaine Hoston, The State, Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan (Princeton, N.J., 1994), 137-148;
9. and Steven G. Marks, How Russia Shaped the Modern World: From Art to Anti-Semitism, Ballet to Bolshevism (Princeton, N.J., 2003).
10. See, for example, Julia Adeney Thomas, Reconfiguring Modernity: Concepts of Nature in Japanese Political Ideology (Berkeley, Calif., 2002).
11. For example, Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, N.J., 2000);
12. Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, ed., Multiple Modernities (New Brunswick, N.J., 2002).
13. Since the discussion of the "Western impact" of Russian literature on Japan and the resulting emergence of modern Japanese language and literature in Marleigh Grayer Ryan's 1965 work on Russianist Futabatei Shimei, our studies of the topic have not departed much from the conceptual framework of Russia's impact on the East. Ryan, Japan's First Modern Novel: Ukigumo of Futabatei Shimei (New York, 1965);
14. Nobori Shornu and Akamatsu Katsumaro, The Russian Impact on Japan: Literature and Social Thought, ed. and trans. Peter Berton, Paul F. Langer, and George O. Totten (Los Angeles, 1981);
15. Marks, How Russia Shaped the Modem World;
16. and Thomas Rimer, ed., A Hidden Fire: Russian and Japanese Cultural Encounters, 1868-1926 (Stanford, Calif., 1995), a collection of essays by twenty scholars from Russia, Japan, and the U.S.
17. Recent Russian language studies have successfully unearthed new archival findings in relation to Russian-Japanese cultural relations. Much work by Russian scholars in this field has reflected a renewed interest in the history of the Russian Orthodox Church via its activities in Japan and East Asia. See, for example, the informative reports in V. S. Belonenko, ed., Iz istorii religioznykh, kul'turnykh i politicheskikh vzaimootnoshenii Rossii i Iaponii v XIX-XX vekakh (St. Petersburg, 1998).
18. On this culture of international relations, see Beate Jahn, The Cultural Construction of International Relations (New York, 2000).
19. Francis Hall, Japan through American Eyes: The Journal of Francis Hall, 1859-1866, ed. F. G. Notehelfer (Princeton, N.J., 1992), 414-415;
20. Isabella Bird, Unbeaten Tracks in Japan (Boston, 1984);
21. Ernest Satow, "Letter to F. V. Dickens," in Tetsuo Najita, ed., Readings in Tokugawa Thought, 3rd ed. (Chicago, 1998), 297-299.
22. Fully intending to travel to Japan in order to observe the "revolution" as it unfolded, Mechnikov went to the Sorbonne in 1872 to attend the only Japanese program in Europe. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia o dvukhletnei sluzhbe v Iaponii," in Shcherbina, laponiia na perelome, 25. Dissatisfied with the poor quality and slow pace of education at the Sorbonne, however, he left for Switzerland to seek out Ōyama Iwao, a military leader of the Ishin, for one-on-one study. Ōyama was on assignment there to study military affairs and French. Yet he selected the Russian revolutionary to be his teacher. The two became so close that they decided to room together.
23. The Russian secret police considered Mechnikov's writings to be as dangerous as Nikolai Chernyshevskii's "What Is to Be Done?," the so-called bible of the Russian narodniki. Police reports stated that "What Is to Be Done?" and Mechnikov's autobiographical story "Bold Stride," which were published in the same issue of the journal Sovremennik, caused the landmark publication to be shut down.
24. Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi federatsii, Moscow (hereafter GARF), f. 6753, op. 1, d. 383, l. 34;
25. Mechnikov, "Bakunin v Italii," Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 3 (1897): 824;
26. "Iz perepiski deiatelei osvoboditel'nogo dvizheniia: Materialy iz arkhiva L. I. Mechnikov," in Literaturnoe nasledstvo: Iz istorii russkoi literatury i obshchestvennoi mysli 1860-1890 gg. (Moscow, 1977), 463;
27. A. K. Lishina, "Russkii garibal'dits," in S. D. Skazkin, ed., Rossiia i Italiia (Moscow, 1968).
28. Mikhail Bakunin, Pis'ma M. A. Bakunina k A. I. Gertsenu i N. P. Ogarevu (St. Petersburg, 1906), 258.
29. GARF, f. 5770, op. 1, ed. khr. 156. Among the pseudonyms he often used were Leon Brandi and Emil' Denegri.
30. Hokkaido University Northern Studies Special Collections, Hokkaido Colonial Office and Its Foreign Employees, Advisers, and Other Foreigners: Correspondence, Lev Mechnikov report, "La France Sous Mac-Mahon: Ŕsumé politique," November 16, 1873.
31. My use of "fathers" and "sons" comes from Ivan Turgenev's popular novel on the social problem in Russia, Fathers and Sons (1862), which depicts two generations of Russian intellectuals. Mechnikov and Herzen mutually respected one another.
32. Herzen said that Mechnikov was "the only one capable of thinking and writing." Mechnikov, in turn, often said of Herzen that "no man had left a deeper impression on his life." A. I. Herzen, Sobranie sochinenii, 30 vols. (Moscow, 1954-1965), 28:10;
33. and Olga Mechnikov, The Life of Elie Mechnikov, 1845-1916 (Boston, 1921), 47.
34. Herzen, Sobranie sochinenii, 24: 184; 6: 7. Mechnikov had similarly sought an embryo of future socialist development in the commune in the 1860s.
35. By 1881, Mechnikov would criticize the idealization of contemporary Russia as some kind of "good kingdom of limitless communalism." Mechnikov, "Obshchina i gosudarstvo v Shveitsarii," Delo 6 (1881): 227.
36. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 23.
37. See N. Bartoshevskii, Iaponiia (Ocherki iz zapisok puteshestvennika vokrug sveta): Vzgliad na politicheskuiu i sotsial'nuiu zhizn' naroda (St. Petersburg, 1868),
38. and M. Veniukov, Puteshestvie po Priamur'iu, Kitaiu i Iaponii (Khabarovsk, 1970), 271-280.
39. Iermonakh Nikolai, "Iaponiia s tochki zreniia khristianskoi missii," Russkii viestnik 83, no. 9 (1869): 221-222.
40. GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, ed. khr. 43.
41. Karl Marx, Selected Writings (Indianapolis, 1994), 237-239,
42. and Marx, Kapital (St. Petersburg, 1872), 616.
43. Kido Takayoshi, Kido Takayoshi nikki, vol. 2:1871-1874 (Tokyo, 1983), 337.
44. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 45.
45. Ibid., 44-45.
46. Ibid., 28. Saigō Takamori, Saigō Takamori zenshū, 6 vols. (Tokyo, 1976-1980), 3: 333.
47. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 44-45. The scholarship on Saigō has neglected this aspect of his thoughts and activities between 1873 and 1877. Scholars have treated Saigō during this period as either preparing for civil war or retiring completely. Charles L. Yates suggests that his interest in adopting an agrarian lifestyle at this time appears to have been quite serious. Yates, Saigō Takamori: The Man behind the Myth (London, 1995).
48. Peter Berton, Paul Langer, and Rodger Swearingen, Japanese Training and Research in the Russian Field (Los Angeles, 1956), 16.
49. Thanks to the staff at the Municipal Archive of Hokkaido for helping me to photograph Kojima Kurataro's class notes of Mechnikov's lectures held in the Kojima Kurataro Collection.
50. Mechnikov letter to Mikhail Evgrafovich Saltykov-Shchedrin, in Saltykov-Shchedrin, Literaturnoe nasledstvo, 102 vols. (Moscow, 1931-2000), 13-14: 361-362.
51. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 32-34, and Lev Mechnikov, L'Empire Japonaise: Pays-Peuple-Histoire (Geneva, 1878), iv.
52. Watanabe Masaji, a professor of Russian at Tokyo University of Foreign Languages (formerly TSFL), documents the "populist spirit" that continued at the school after Mechnikov in "Mechinikofu to Muramatsu Aizō," in Hara Teruyuki and Togawa Tsuguo, eds., Surabu to nihon (Tokyo, 1995), 133-156. Andrei Kolenko, for example, who taught at TSFL for more than six years, had been imprisoned and exiled for his political activities. In his recitation class, students were asked to memorize and recite poems subversive of the existing sociopolitical establishment, often reflecting radical populist thought or recalling the life of the political exile.
53. Other political émigrés who taught in TSFL's Russian program were S. Iu. Gotskii-Danilovich, Nikolai Gray, and Aleksandr Stepanovich Bogomolov. Kokuritsu kobunroku monbusho no bu, March 3, Meiji 9 (1876), 2A-25-1768; December 11, Meiji 9 (1876).
54. Asukai Masamichi, "Roshia dai ichiji kakumei to Kōtoku Shūsui," Shisō 520 (October 1967): 1328.
55. Watanabe, "Mechinikofu to Muramatsu Aizō."
56. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 42-47.
57. Ibid., 45.
58. For example, Mechnikov observed those Japanese elites "strolling down Parisian boulevards," and their leaders, "erecting progress and centralization according to the Napoleonic model," as "having hardly any understanding of the details and particularities of Japanese life." Ibid., 31-32.
59. See, for example, ibid., 67-68; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 76-77; Mechnikov, "Era iaponskogo prosveshcheniia," in Shcherbina, Iaponiia na perelome, 122-123.
60. Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 76.
61. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 46-47; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 88.
62. In Élisée Reclus, ed., Nouvelle geographie universelle, 19 vols. (Paris, 1876-1894), 7: 847; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 92-93. Japanese historians have since found that a considerable number of revolutionaries in the Ishin came from wealthy upper-class farm families.
63. See, for example, Haga Noboru, Bakumatsu kokugaku no kenkyū (Tokyo, 1978).
64. On the development of Tokugawa-era literary networks that would serve to unite radicals and revolutionaries across status lines, see Eiko Ikegami, Bonds of Civility: Aesthetic Networks and the Political Origins of Japanese Culture (New York, 2005).
65. Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 80.
66. Mechnikov, "Era iaponskogo prosveshcheniia," 116-117, 134.
67. Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 86; Mechnikov, "Era iaponskogo prosveshcheniia," 117.
68. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 37.
69. Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 55-56. Meanwhile, American and British travelers to Japan largely saw the tattoos as an exotic, savage custom reminiscent of an uncivilized, if idealized, Nature. Christine M. E. Guth, Longfellow's Tattoos: Tourism, Collecting, and Japan (Seattle, Wash., 2004), 142-158.
70. This view of a developed social and political consciousness among commoners during this period is echoed in more recent studies of commoners' participation in the Freedom and People's Rights Movement. Irokawa Daikichi and Roger Bowen attribute a widespread political consciousness and desire for social and political equality to substantial popular organization and participation in the movement. Irokawa, The Culture of the Meiji Period (Princeton, N.J., 1984);
71. Roger Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy in Meiji Japan (Berkeley, Calif., 1980).
72. Mechnikov, " Vospominaniia," 67-68. For suggestive essays on cooperatives within the Japanese context, see Tetsuo Najita, "Political Economy in Thought and Practice among Commoners in Nineteenth Century Japan," The Japan Foundation Newsletter 16, no. 3 (1988):12-18;
73. and Najita, "Past in Present: Danpenteki Gensetsu to Sengo Seishinshi," The Journal of Pacific Asia 3 (1996): 3-32.
74. See, for example, Mechnikov, "Era iaponskogo prosveshcheniia," 108; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponiia," 102-103.
75. Mechnikov's observations reflected widespread practices of cooperatist self-organization among commoners. Cooperatives expanded in a variety of forms following industrialization in Japan. Every Japanese town and village had some type of cooperative association. In 1923, for example, 14,000 cooperatives existed in Japan, with almost 3 million members nationwide. In 1935 in Hokkaido, 40.7 percent of all households were members of a cooperative, while in the Far Eastern Mountain region, 83.2 percent of all households were in cooperatives. Recognizing the role of cooperatives in the economy, the Japanese government actively supported them. Galen M. Fisher, "The Cooperative Movement in Japan," Pacific Affairs 11, no. 4 (December 1938): 478, 483-484.
76. Irokawa, The Culture of the Meiji Period, 60.
77. Ibid., 48.
78. Katō Sukeichi, Kōeki kokoro e gusa (n.p., 1868). Although Katō's pamphlet circulated widely at the time of its publication, surprisingly little is known about Katō himself. A local Yokohama history study group uncovered some details about his earlier life, Kaikō eno bakushin ryochū nikki (Yokohama, 1996), but further study on him is overdue.
79. Katō, Kōeki kokoro e gusa, 4.
80. Ibid., 5-6.
81. The Charter Oath, a document issued to the public in the name of the emperor in 1868, promised a series of revolutionary changes. The Oath would become a touchstone for much of the political contention in Japan in following decades. By borrowing language from it, Katō gave his discussion the weight of revolutionary meaning associated with the Ishin document. His text emphasized that Japan's opening should be in harmony with the just laws of nature, language reminiscent of the Charter Oath. International trade was thus to be practiced in a consciously moral manner as an expression of mutual aid, in accordance with the perceived promises of the Ishin. Aston and Mechnikov's translations can be seen as competing interpretations of the term "laws of nature" in revolutionary Japan.
82. W. G. Aston, "Remarks on Commerce by Katō Sukeichi," The Phoenix 20 (February 1872): 118.
83. On the invention of the "state of nature" and its influence on the practice and idea of the international in the West, see Jahn, The Cultural Construction of International Relations.
84. Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 99; my emphasis.
85. Aston translated, "At present, there is every reason to believe that any petition asking permission to form companies after the European model, will, if presented to the proper authorities, be favorably received as a proposal eminently conducive to the prosperity of the people of Japan. There is nothing to prevent such associations from being durably established." Aston, "Remarks," 119.
86. Mechnikov translated it as follows: "Now, if someone requests from the government permission to establish trade associations based on the European model, the government not only will not refuse, but will be very pleased. Because the time has come when Japan must have its own system of durable associations, founded on the principles of mutual aid and equity. Only in this way can our commercial development expand." Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 99-100; my emphasis.
87. Russian scholars on Mechnikov have asserted, in contrast, that Mechnikov viewed the Ishin as an unfinished bourgeois revolution. See, for example, K. S. Kartasheva, Dorogi L'va Mechnikova (Mos cow, 1981), 23;
88. and A. A. Shcherbina, "L. I. Mechnikov - Sovremennik i issledovatel' burzhuaznoi revoliutsii v Iaponii," in Shcherbina, Iaponiia na perelome, 3-22.
89. Documentation of Mechnikov's achievements in Japanology can be found in his personal archive in GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, dd. 36 and 38. See also Reclus, Nouvelle geographie universelle, vol. 7,
90. and Reclus, "Predislovie Elize Rekliu," in Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia i velikie istoricheskie reki: Stat'i, ed. V. I. Evdokimov (Moscow, 1995), 219.
91. Mechnikov, "Revolution and Evolution," The Contemporary Review, September 1886, 412-437;
92. Reclus, Evolution et Révolution (Geneva, 1880, 1884; Paris, 1891).
93. Marie Fleming, The Geography of Freedom: The Odyssey of Élisée Reclus (Montreal, 1988), 180-183.
94. Even works on Russian anarchism do not mention Mechnikov's name. See, for example, Martin A. Miller, Kropotkin (Chicago, 1976);
95. Caroline Cahm, Kropotkin and the Rise of Revolutionary Anarchism, 1872-1886 (Cambridge, 1989);
96. Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists (New York, 1978).
97. This understanding can be found, for example, in Mechnikov's unpublished report to his sponsors in Japan, "La France Sous Mac-Mahon."
98. Mechnikov, "Revolution and Evolution," 430.
99. Daniel P. Todes, "Darwin's Malthusian Metaphor and Russian Evolutionary Thought, 1859-1917," Isis 78, no. 4 (December 1987): 538.
100. Mechnikov, "Revolution and Evolution"; Mechnikov, "Shkola bor'by v sotsiologii," in Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 186-192;
101. Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 238-253.
102. Mechnikov refers to ichthyologist K. F. Kessler's landmark talk on the "law of mutual aid" in nature, published as "O zakone vziamnoi pomoshchi," Trudy Sankt-Peterburgskogo Obshchestva Estestvoipytatelei 2, no. 1 (1880): 124-127.
103. Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 273-282.
104. Ibid., 443.
105. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 29-31, 39.
106. Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 85-99.
107. Mechnikov, "Shkola bor'by v sotsiologii."
108. Ibid., 164-165.
109. Ibid.
110. Mechnikov, L'Empire Japonaise, ii; Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia, " 67-68; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 76-77, Mechnikov, "Era iaponskogo prosveshcheniia," 122-123.
111. Mechnikov differentiates his work from geographical determinism in Tsivilizatsiia, 262, 323.
112. Ibid., 290-310.
113. According to John S. Haller, Jr., Charles Darwin explained the phenomenon of races as "various human types that 'remained distinct for a long period.' In such cases, the varieties might just as well be called species." Haller, "The Species Problem: Nineteenth-Century Concepts of Racial Inferiority in the Origin of Man Controversy," American Anthropologist 72 (1970): 1319-1329.
114. Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 300.
115. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 54; Mechnikov, "Era prosveshcheniia Iaponii," 103.
116. Mechnikov, "Vospominaniia," 56.
117. Ibid., 57.
118. Paul Rabinow, The French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment (Chicago, 1989).
119. See, for example, Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 262.
120. GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, d. 38; GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, d. 67, ll. 1-2.
121. Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 259-262.
122. Ibid., 258-259, 263-270, 325-443.
123. Reclus, "Predislovie," 221, and Mechnikov, Tsivilizatsiia, 446.
124. Mechnikov directly critiques the East-West paradigm of civilizational development in Tsivilizatsiia, 276-277.
125. James White, "Despotism and Anarchy: The Sociological Thought of L. I. Mechnikov," Slavonic and East European Studies 54, no. 3 (1976): 395-411;
126. Georgii Piekhanov, "O knige L. I. Mechnikova," in Plekhanov, Sochineniia, 24 vols. (Moscow, 1922-1928), 7: 15-28.
127. Plekhanov, "O knige L. I. Mechnikova," 28. For Plekhanov's references to Civilization in his defense of Marxism,
128. see also Plekhanov, Selected Philosophical Works, 5 vols. (Moscow, 1974-1981), 1: 415, 475, 610, 699; 2: 147, 651.
129. Plekhanov, "O knige L. I. Mechnikova."
130. Asserting that Mechnikov was the best symbol of a generation, Plekhanov wrote in his obituary, "Mechnikov was one of the most amazing and kindest representatives of that generation of the '60s, to whom our social life, our science, and our literature owe so much." Plekhanov, "L. I. Mechnikov," in Sochineniia, 7: 327. Plekhanov was not the only one who thought of Mechnikov as the symbol of a generation. Plekhanov and the other leaders of the Russian Marxist group called Liberation of Labor contributed money to erect a memorial to Mechnikov in Switzerland. About 120 people, Russian émigrés across Europe, made contributions toward its purchase. They also participated in the design of the memorial, which was open to public vote among contributors. GARF, 6753, op. 1, ed. khr. 86.
131. Reclus, "Predislovie," 221.
132. Mechnikov worked with Reclus in organizing financial and political support for Kropotkin while the latter was imprisoned in France, and he became a close friend of the Kropotkin family. Professionally, the two corresponded about their mutual work in the anarchist movement. Hoover Institution of War, Revolution and Peace Archives, B. I. Nicolaevsky Collection, Box 183, #34, ll. 6-9; GARF, f. 1129, op. 3, ed. khr. 285, ll. 1-2; GARF, f. 1129, op. 2, ed. khr. 1747, ll. 1-15.
133. Miller, Kropotkin, 192.
134. GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, ed. khr. 9, l. 18.
135. GARF, f. 6753, op. 1, ed. khr. 9.
136. when Mechnikov died, Kropotkin asked Mechnikov's family to keep him in mind if they wanted someone to sort through the deceased's papers and complete his unfinished writings, the most important of which was Civilization. Kropotkin was at the time part of the central committee overseeing the erection of Mechnikov's memorial. Although Kropotkin's biography of Mechnikov was apparently never published, he worked seriously on it for quite some time. Mechnikov's wife, Olga, even moved from her home in Switzerland to live at the Kropotkins' home just to help him write it. GARF, f. 1129, op. 3, ed. khr. 285, 286; GARF, 6753, op. 1, ed. khr. 9.
137. It was also during this time that Kropotkin was working on the earliest drafts of Mutual Aid.
138. The earliest appearance of a part of the work was an 1890 article entitled "Mutual Aid among Animals," Nineteenth Century 28 (1890): 337-354, 699-719.
139. However, the fully developed work on civilizational progress that we now know as Mutual Aid did not appear until 1902.
140. Peter Kropotkin, Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (London, 1902).
141. Arishima Takeo, "Rokoku kakumeitō no rōjo," Mainichi shimbun, April 5-10, 1905.
142. Arishima Takeo, Arishima Takeo zenshū, 16 vols. (Tokyo, 1979-1988), 9: 5.
143. Hyman Kublin, "The Japanese Socialists and the Russo-Japanese War," The Journal of Modern History 21 (March-December 1950): 322-323.
144. GARF, Kropotkin P. A. Collection, f. 1129, op. 2, ed. khr. 1418, ll.18-19. Letter from Kōtoku, December 26, 1908.
145. GARF, Kropotkin P. A. Collection, f. 1129, op. 2, ed. khr. 1418, 1. 9. Letter from Kōtoku to Kropotkin, May 14, 1907.
146. The context is unique in this discourse, but the way in which they circulated knowledge via networks is not. Book lending practices during the Edo period, for example, circulated a tremendous amount of information quickly.
147. George O. Totten, "Akamatsu Katsumaro: Political Activist and Ideologue," in Nobori and Akamatsu, The Russian Impact on Japan, 79.
148. The Japanese Esperanto movement for international language equity, led by anarchists, had the largest number of non-European Esperanto participants in the world, including the United States. Treating language not only as a transnational communication tool, but also as having potential control over one's interiority, anarchist intellectuals learned and taught the "neutral" language of Esperanto.
149. Kensetsu sha domei shi kanko iin kai, Waseda Daigaku Kensetsu sha domei no rekishi: Taishōki no v narōd undō (Tokyo, 1979), 173.
150. For a history of civic organization in postwar Japan, see Wesley Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous: Citizen Protest in Postwar Japan (Honolulu, 2001).
151. Itō Noe, Itō Noe zenshu, vol. 2 (Tokyo, 1970), 464-474.