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Volumn 61, Issue 2, 2002, Pages 315-344

The 1999 Ukrainian presidential election: Personalities, ideology, partisanship, and the economy

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EID: 33947581928     PISSN: 00376779     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2697120     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (7)

References (48)
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    • Election results from the Central Election Commission (CEC) of Ukraine. Some agencies have reported irregularities in the 1999 election, but according to the U. S. Department of State, (Washington, D.C.), "almost all observers agreed that the election results reflected the will of the electorate" (1). It is possible that the CEC results do not reflect the exact percentages of votes cast by the Ukrainian population. However, 63 percent of our respondents reported voting for Kuchma, 32 percent for Symonenko, and 4 percent against all. The official CEC results are 56 percent for Kuchma, 38 percent for Symonenko, and 3.4 percent against all. Allowing for postelection identification with the winner, the CEC results appear quite reasonable, despite allegations of vote fraud
    • Election results from the Central Election Commission (CEC) of Ukraine. Some agencies have reported irregularities in the 1999 election, but according to the U. S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices: Ukraine (Washington, D.C., 2000), "almost all observers agreed that the election results reflected the will of the electorate" (1). It is possible that the CEC results do not reflect the exact percentages of votes cast by the Ukrainian population. However, 63 percent of our respondents reported voting for Kuchma, 32 percent for Symonenko, and 4 percent against all. The official CEC results are 56 percent for Kuchma, 38 percent for Symonenko, and 3.4 percent against all. Allowing for postelection identification with the winner, the CEC results appear quite reasonable, despite allegations of vote fraud.
    • (2000) Country Report on Human Rights Practices: Ukraine
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    • The Ukrainian parliamentary and presidential elections of 1994
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    • Sarah Birch, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections of 1994, "Electoral Studies 14, no. 1 (March 1995): 93-99.
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    • A directional theory of issue voting
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    • Miller and Wattenberg, "Throwing the Rascals Out"; George Rabinowitz and Stuart Elaine MacDonald, "A Directional Theory of Issue Voting," American Political Science Re-view 83, no. 1 (March 1989): 93-121;
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    • Vicki Hesli and Volodymyr Chumachenko, "Issue Voting in Ukraine" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1999)
    • Vicki Hesli and Volodymyr Chumachenko, "Issue Voting in Ukraine" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 1999).
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    • For a recent discussion of these attitudes, see Ada Finifter and Ellen Mickiewicz, "Redefining the Political System of the USSR: Mass Support for Political Change," American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 857-74;
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    • Hesli and Chumachenko, "Issue Voting in Ukraine."
    • Hesli and Chumachenko, "Issue Voting in Ukraine."
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    • Schematic assessments of presidential candidates
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    • Miller and Wattenberg, "Throwing the Rascals Out"; Arthur H. Miller, Martin P. Wattenberg, and Oksana Malanchuk, "Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates," American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 521-40.
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    • See, for example (November ); Miller, Reisinger, and Hesli, "Understanding Political Change in Post-Soviet Societies"; Finifter and Mickiewicz, "Redefining the Political System of the USSR."
    • See, for example, James Gibson, "Political and Economic Markets: Changes in the Connections between Attitudes toward Political Democracy and a Market Economy within the Mass Culture of Russia and Ukraine,"Journal of Politics 58 (November 1996): 954-84; Miller, Reisinger, and Hesli, "Understanding Political Change in Post-Soviet Societies"; Finifter and Mickiewicz, "Redefining the Political System of the USSR."
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    • This measure, however, is quite strongly related to geography. Western Ukrainians were far more likely to feel proud of the flag (Pearson's r = .29). In addition, those in the western part of the country were also more likely to vote for Kuchma (Pearson's r =
    • This measure, however, is quite strongly related to geography. Western Ukrainians were far more likely to feel proud of the flag (Pearson's r = .29). In addition, those in the western part of the country were also more likely to vote for Kuchma (Pearson's r =
  • 30
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    • Values and partisanship in left-right orientations: Measuring ideology
    • We hypothesize that these centrists are probably Ieaners, because few of them adopted centrist positions on the issue scales addressed in the following analysis. 21
    • We hypothesize that these centrists are probably Ieaners, because few of them adopted centrist positions on the issue scales addressed in the following analysis. 21. John D. Huber, "Values and Partisanship in Left-Right Orientations: Measuring Ideology," European Journal of Political Research 17 (1989): 599-621.
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    • 22. (Princeton). We hypothesize that these centrists are probably leaners, because few of them adopted centrist positions on the issue scales addressed in the following analysis
    • 22. Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, 1990). 23. We hypothesize that these centrists are probably leaners, because few of them adopted centrist positions on the issue scales addressed in the following analysis.
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    • Reciprocal effects of policy preferences, party loyalties, and the vote
    • In making this calculation, we followed, (December ). We subtracted respondents' self-placement on the communist-democrat scale from their placement of Kuchma and Symo-nenko on the same measure. The resulting distance measures (one for Kuchma, one for Symonenko) range from 0 to 6 (using absolute values for the differences obtained) where 0 means that respondents place the candidate and themselves at exactly the same place on the communist-democrat scale and 6 indicates that respondents place themselves and the candidate at opposite extremes on this continuum. Respondents were not asked to place Symonenko on the left-right scale, so we only have distance measures for Kuchma on this continuum. Both candidates, however, were placed on the communist-democrat scale
    • In making this calculation, we followed Benjamin I. Page and Calvin C. Jones, "Reciprocal Effects of Policy Preferences, Party Loyalties, and the Vote," American Political Science Review 73, no. 4 (December 1979): 1071-89. We subtracted respondents' self-placement on the communist-democrat scale from their placement of Kuchma and Symo-nenko on the same measure. The resulting distance measures (one for Kuchma, one for Symonenko) range from 0 to 6 (using absolute values for the differences obtained) where 0 means that respondents place the candidate and themselves at exactly the same place on the communist-democrat scale and 6 indicates that respondents place themselves and the candidate at opposite extremes on this continuum. Respondents were not asked to place Symonenko on the left-right scale, so we only have distance measures for Kuchma on this continuum. Both candidates, however, were placed on the communist-democrat scale.
    • (1979) American Political Science Review , vol.73 , Issue.4 , pp. 1071-1089
    • Page, B.I.1    Jones, C.C.2
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    • Richard Rose, "Mobilizing Demobilized Voters in Post-Communist Societies" (paper presented at the Workshop on Public Opinion and Party Formation in Post-Communist and Authoritarian Democracies, Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa, 1995), 5
    • Richard Rose, "Mobilizing Demobilized Voters in Post-Communist Societies" (paper presented at the Workshop on Public Opinion and Party Formation in Post-Communist and Authoritarian Democracies, Drake University, Des Moines, Iowa, 1995), 5;
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    • Reexamining Russia: Institutions and incentives
    • April
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    • Has democracy failed in Russia?
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    • The Ukrainian parliamentary election in March-April 1994
    • however, is an important exception. In his (March), he notes that although less-informed voters might not have differentiated parties on ideological grounds at that time, parties were beginning to gain supporters and momentum as early as 1994
    • Marco Bojcun, however, is an important exception. In his "The Ukrainian Parliamentary Election in March-April 1994," Europe-Asia Studies 47, no. 2 (March 1995): 229-49, he notes that although less-informed voters might not have differentiated parties on ideological grounds at that time, parties were beginning to gain supporters and momentum as early as 1994.
    • (1995) Europe-Asia Studies , vol.47 , Issue.2 , pp. 229-249
    • Bojcun, M.1
  • 40
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    • The development of party identification in post-Soviet societies
    • October
    • Arthur H. Miller and Thomas F. Klobucar, "The Development of Party Identification in Post-Soviet Societies," American Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (October 2000): 667-86;
    • (2000) American Journal of Political Science , vol.44 , Issue.4 , pp. 667-686
    • Miller, A.H.1    Klobucar, T.F.2
  • 41
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    • Emerging party systems in post-Soviet societies: Fact or fiction?
    • Arthur H. Miller, Gwyn Erb, William M. Reisinger, and Vicki L. Hesli, "Emerging Party Systems in Post-Soviet Societies: Fact or Fiction?" Journal of Politics 62 (1999): 455-90.
    • (1999) Journal of Politics , vol.62 , pp. 455-490
    • Miller, A.H.1    Erb, G.2    Reisinger, W.M.3    Hesli, V.L.4
  • 42
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    • For a complete discussion of these conflict axes, see Miller and Klobucar, "The Development of Party Identification in Post-Soviet Societies."
    • For a complete discussion of these conflict axes, see Miller and Klobucar, "The Development of Party Identification in Post-Soviet Societies."
  • 44
    • 70449978186 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 2 of .59 and predicting the correct vote for 95 percent of Kuchma's voters
    • 2 of .59 and predicting the correct vote for 95 percent of Kuchma's voters
  • 45
    • 24744440684 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Establishing representation: Mass and elite political attitudes in Ukraine
    • Miller and Klobucar, "The Development of Party Identification in Post-Soviet Societies"; Sharon L. Wolchik and Volodymyr Zviglyanich, eds., (Lanham, Md.)
    • Miller and Klobucar, "The Development of Party Identification in Post-Soviet Societies"; Arthur H. Miller, Thomas F. Klobucar, and William M. Reisinger, "Establishing Representation: Mass and Elite Political Attitudes in Ukraine," in Sharon L. Wolchik and Volodymyr Zviglyanich, eds., Ukraine: The Search for a National Identity (Lanham, Md., 1999), 213-35;
    • (1999) Ukraine: The Search for a National Identity , pp. 213-235
    • Miller, A.H.1    Klobucar, T.F.2    Reisinger, W.M.3
  • 46
    • 84883126952 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Regionalism: An underestimated dimension of state-building
    • Wolchik and Zviglyanich, eds. and Bojcun, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary Election in March-April 1994"
    • Grigory Nemiria, "Regionalism: An Underestimated Dimension of State-Building," in Wolchik and Zviglyanich, eds., Ukraine, 183-97; and Bojcun, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary Election in March-April 1994."
    • Ukraine , pp. 183-197
    • Nemiria, G.1
  • 48
    • 70449945193 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Bqjcun, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary Election in March-April 1994"; Birch, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections of 1994"; Szporluk, "Reflections on Ukraine after 1994"
    • Bqjcun, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary Election in March-April 1994"; Birch, "The Ukrainian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections of 1994"; Szporluk, "Reflections on Ukraine after 1994."


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