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Volumn 13, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 79-97

A "garbage can model" of un peacekeeping

Author keywords

Agenda setting; Garbage can model; International organizations; Peacekeeping; United Nations

Indexed keywords


EID: 33947235585     PISSN: 10752846     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/19426720-01301006     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (55)

References (103)
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    • Figures compiled from United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations web site, accessed 3 March 2004
    • Figures compiled from United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations web site, www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/home.shtml (accessed 3 March 2004).
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    • The 1994 figure included several thousand civilian personnel. United Nations, The Blue Helmets: A Review of United Nations Peace-keeping, 3rd ed. (New York: United Nations, 1996), p. 4.
    • The 1994 figure included several thousand civilian personnel. United Nations, The Blue Helmets: A Review of United Nations Peace-keeping, 3rd ed. (New York: United Nations, 1996), p. 4.
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    • The 1988 figures are from Peter Lewis, A Short History of United Nations Peacekeeping, in Barbara Benton, ed., Soldiers for Peace: Fifty Years of United Nations Peacekeeping (New York: Facts on File, 1996), p. 27;
    • The 1988 figures are from Peter Lewis, "A Short History of United Nations Peacekeeping," in Barbara Benton, ed., Soldiers for Peace: Fifty Years of United Nations Peacekeeping (New York: Facts on File, 1996), p. 27;
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    • use the term second-generation peacekeeping to encompass the entire spectrum of what others call multidimensional, second-generation, and third-generation peacekeeping operations. In this article, the term refers to post-Cold War missions that, to a significant extent, undertake peace enforcement or peacebuilding activities in addition to traditional interposition and truce observation functions. Typologies of peacekeeping generations include Michael W. Doyle, UN Peacekeeping in Cambodia: UNTAC's Civil Mandate Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995, pp. 25-26;
    • use the term second-generation peacekeeping to encompass the entire spectrum of what others call multidimensional, second-generation, and third-generation peacekeeping operations. In this article, the term refers to post-Cold War missions that, to a significant extent, undertake peace enforcement or peacebuilding activities in addition to traditional interposition and truce observation functions. Typologies of peacekeeping generations include Michael W. Doyle, UN Peacekeeping in Cambodia: UNTAC's Civil Mandate (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995), pp. 25-26;
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    • For applications to multilateral settings, see Barbara A. Cherry, "The Irony of Telecommunications Deregulation: Assessing the Role Reversal in U.S. and EU Policy," in Ingo Vogelsang and Bejamin M. Compaine, eds., The Internet Upheaval: Raising Questions, Seeking Answers in Communications Policy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press), pp. 355-385;
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    • For variations on this theme, see, Adelphi Paper 281 London: International Institute for Strategic Studies
    • For variations on this theme, see Mats R. Berdal, Whither UN Peacekeeping? Adelphi Paper 281 (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1993);
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    • United Nations
    • United Nations, The Blue Helmets, p. 4.
    • The Blue Helmets , pp. 4
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    • A few studies have acknowledged and addressed the problem of explaining the emergence of second-generation peacekeeping, going beyond what Jakobsen calls the conventional 'end of the Cold War explanation, These analyses fall into three broad categories: normative and ideational explanations, offered by Michael Barnett and Roland Paris; incrementalist and rationalist models of organizational decisionmaking, presented by Christopher Daase and Anna Fosdick; and Peter Viggo Jakobsen's explanation in terms of globalization pressures. The garbage can explanation is complementary to the normative-ideational accounts, identifying causal mechanisms that translated intersubjective factors into changed practices. It represents an alternative explanation to the incrementalist-rationalist and globalization models. See Michael N. Barnett, The New UN Politics of Peace: From Juridical Sovereignty to Empirical Sovereignty, Global Governance 1, no. 1 January-March 1995
    • A few studies have acknowledged and addressed the problem of explaining the emergence of second-generation peacekeeping, going beyond what Jakobsen calls the "conventional 'end of the Cold War explanation.'" These analyses fall into three broad categories: normative and ideational explanations, offered by Michael Barnett and Roland Paris; incrementalist and rationalist models of organizational decisionmaking, presented by Christopher Daase and Anna Fosdick; and Peter Viggo Jakobsen's explanation in terms of globalization pressures. The garbage can explanation is complementary to the normative-ideational accounts, identifying causal mechanisms that translated intersubjective factors into changed practices. It represents an alternative explanation to the incrementalist-rationalist and globalization models. See Michael N. Barnett, "The New UN Politics of Peace: From Juridical Sovereignty to Empirical Sovereignty," Global Governance 1, no. 1 (January-March 1995): 79-97;
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    • Jakobsen, "The Transformation of United Nations Peace Operations in the 1990s."
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    • Olsen and Kingdon defend the relative independence assumption: Olsen, Garbage Cans, New Institutionalism, and the Study of Politics, pp. 191-192;
    • Olsen and Kingdon defend the relative independence assumption: Olsen, "Garbage Cans, New Institutionalism, and the Study of Politics," pp. 191-192;
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    • This may partially explain the early 1990s overloading of UN peacekeeping
    • This may partially explain the early 1990s overloading of UN peacekeeping.
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    • These characteristics should be particularly evident in open system organizations like the UN, which should be especially prone to garbage can processes. On open systems, see, 4th ed, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall
    • These characteristics should be particularly evident in open system organizations like the UN, which should be especially prone to garbage can processes. On open systems, see W. Richard Scott, Organizations: Rational, Natural, and Open Systems, 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1998).
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    • In some discussions ambiguity is defined in terms of these characteristics. March and Weissinger-Baylon, eds., Ambiguity and Command, p. 1;
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    • Page Fortna argues, however, that the UN failed to take full advantage of the information it gathered in this period, and that operational plans grew "stale" during the long delay. See Virginia Page Fortna, "United Nations Transition Assistance Group," in Durch, ed., The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping, pp. 363-364.
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    • The incorporation of normative-ideational factors within a garbage can model points to the connections between the GCM and social constructivist theories. Intersubjective environments, within which garbage can processes operate, can constitute actors as empowered to couple streams, constrain which streams may be appropriately coupled, and socialize actors in ways that reduce the randomness characteristic of garbage can processes. I thank Matthew Hoffmann for suggesting the last point. The others are discussed by Charles R. Perrow, Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay, 3rd ed, New York: McGraw Hill, 1986, pp. 137-140;
    • The incorporation of normative-ideational factors within a garbage can model points to the connections between the GCM and social constructivist theories. Intersubjective environments, within which garbage can processes operate, can constitute actors as empowered to couple streams, constrain which streams may be appropriately coupled, and socialize actors in ways that reduce the randomness characteristic of garbage can processes. I thank Matthew Hoffmann for suggesting the last point. The others are discussed by Charles R. Perrow, Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay, 3rd ed. (New York: McGraw Hill, 1986), pp. 137-140;
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    • Ibid., pp. 126-132.
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