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Volumn 42, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 190-214

European trade diplomacy and the politics of global development: Reflections on the EU-China 'bra wars' dispute

(1)  Heron, Tony a  

a NONE

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EID: 33947193038     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: 14777053     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00218.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (26)

References (59)
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    • This anomaly was due, at least in part, to the delay between the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and the actual establishment of the Custom Union, which was not formally adopted until 1968. For more details, see A. R. Young, Extending European Cooperation: The European Union and the 'New' International Trade Agenda, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2002, pp. 21-7
    • This anomaly was due, at least in part, to the delay between the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and the actual establishment of the Custom Union, which was not formally adopted until 1968. For more details, see A. R. Young, Extending European Cooperation: The European Union and the 'New' International Trade Agenda, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2002, pp. 21-7.
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    • This section is based partly on discussions with Anja Lörcher, trade lawyer, Foreign Trade Association, Brussels, Belgium, 10 November 2005
    • This section is based partly on discussions with Anja Lörcher, trade lawyer, Foreign Trade Association, Brussels, Belgium, 10 November 2005.
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    • The obvious question of why the developing countries were willing to agree to the backloading of the ATC needs to be understood within the overall context of the bargaining dynamics of the Uruguay Round, and in terms of the institutional practices of the GATT/WTO system that have evolved over time. Unfortunately, these issues go well beyond the scope of the present article. For a detailed account of the negotiation of the ATC, see M. Raffaelli and T. Jenkins, The Drafting History of the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, Geneva, International Textiles and Clothing Bureau, 1995
    • The obvious question of why the developing countries were willing to agree to the backloading of the ATC needs to be understood within the overall context of the bargaining dynamics of the Uruguay Round, and in terms of the institutional practices of the GATT/WTO system that have evolved over time. Unfortunately, these issues go well beyond the scope of the present article. For a detailed account of the negotiation of the ATC, see M. Raffaelli and T. Jenkins, The Drafting History of the Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, Geneva, International Textiles and Clothing Bureau, 1995.
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    • Financial Times, 14 June 2005. This prediction was later proven to be correct, at least in so far as the footwear industry was concerned. In February 2006 the Commission announced that a 20 per cent 'anti-dumping' import duty would be applied to leather shoes from China and Vietnam. See Financial Times, 22 February 2006.
    • Financial Times, 14 June 2005. This prediction was later proven to be correct, at least in so far as the footwear industry was concerned. In February 2006 the Commission announced that a 20 per cent 'anti-dumping' import duty would be applied to leather shoes from China and Vietnam. See Financial Times, 22 February 2006.
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    • Under Article VI of the ATC, all WTO members are permitted to use the 'transitional safeguard mechanism' in order to restrict imports temporarily from any source which may 'cause serious damage, or actual threat thereof, to the domestic industry producing like and/or directly competitive products'. However, this trade sanction is limited in scope and far more difficult to invoke than either the 'product-specific' or the 'textile-specific' safeguard measures contained in China's accession agreement.
    • Under Article VI of the ATC, all WTO members are permitted to use the 'transitional safeguard mechanism' in order to restrict imports temporarily from any source which may 'cause serious damage, or actual threat thereof, to the domestic industry producing like and/or directly competitive products'. However, this trade sanction is limited in scope and far more difficult to invoke than either the 'product-specific' or the 'textile-specific' safeguard measures contained in China's accession agreement.
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    • Indeed, one analyst has gone as far as to suggest that the EU is now the most consistent and important advocate of multilateralism, due to a marked decline in the willingness and ability of the USA to underwrite the international trading system. See, H. Wallace and W. Wallace eds, 4th edn, Oxford, Oxford University Press
    • Indeed, one analyst has gone as far as to suggest that the EU is now the most consistent and important advocate of multilateralism, due to a marked decline in the willingness and ability of the USA to underwrite the international trading system. See S. Woolcock, 'European Trade Policy', in H. Wallace and W. Wallace (eds), Policy-Making in the European Union, 4th edn, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 273-399.
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    • M. Tempest, EU Reach Breakthrough on Aid Budget, Guardian, 24 May 2005. It is worth adding in parentheses that quite a few European countries have already gone beyond this aim to meet, and in some cases exceed, the UN target of 0.7 per cent that was established in 1970: Sweden, the Netherlands and Denmark reached this figure in the 1970s, Luxembourg in 2000, while other member states, including the UK, France, Belgium, Finland and Spain, have pledged to meet it by 2015. By way of contrast, the USA currently spends approximately 0.16 per cent of GNI on development assistance, Japan 0.19 per cent, while the overall OECD average stands at 0.25 per cent. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD, Official Development Assistance Increases Further, But 2006 Targets Still a Challenge, press release, available at: ,2340, en_2649_34447_ 34700611_1_1_1_1,00.html
    • M. Tempest, 'EU Reach "Breakthrough" on Aid Budget', Guardian, 24 May 2005. It is worth adding in parentheses that quite a few European countries have already gone beyond this aim to meet - and in some cases exceed - the UN target of 0.7 per cent that was established in 1970: Sweden, the Netherlands and Denmark reached this figure in the 1970s, Luxembourg in 2000, while other member states, including the UK, France, Belgium, Finland and Spain, have pledged to meet it by 2015. By way of contrast, the USA currently spends approximately 0.16 per cent of GNI on development assistance, Japan 0.19 per cent, while the overall OECD average stands at 0.25 per cent. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 'Official Development Assistance Increases Further - But 2006 Targets Still a Challenge', press release, available at: http://www.oecd.org/document/3/0,2340, en_2649_34447_ 34700611_1_1_1_1,00.html.
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    • The EU's preferential trading system is not without its critics. Paul Brenton, for example, has drawn attention to the very stringent 'rules of origin' attached to the trade agreements that have the perverse effect of actually discouraging eligible developing countries from taking up preferences in the first place. Likewise, the Lomé Convention and the Cotonou Agreement have been criticized for targeting aid for the most part at developing countries with strong colonial links to Europe at the expense of other, equally poor, states that do not have this historical connection. See, respectively, P. Brenton, Integrating the Least Developed Countries into the World Trading System: The Current Impact of EU Preferences under Everything But Arms, World Bank Policy Research Paper, No. 3018, 2003; and Holland, The European Union and the Third World
    • The EU's preferential trading system is not without its critics. Paul Brenton, for example, has drawn attention to the very stringent 'rules of origin' attached to the trade agreements that have the perverse effect of actually discouraging eligible developing countries from taking up preferences in the first place. Likewise, the Lomé Convention and the Cotonou Agreement have been criticized for targeting aid for the most part at developing countries with strong colonial links to Europe at the expense of other, equally poor, states that do not have this historical connection. See, respectively, P. Brenton, 'Integrating the Least Developed Countries into the World Trading System: The Current Impact of EU Preferences under Everything But Arms', World Bank Policy Research Paper, No. 3018, 2003; and Holland, The European Union and the Third World.
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    • Ibid.
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    • (2004) Independent
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    • Personal interviews: European Commission, Brussels, Belgium, September-October 2003
    • Personal interviews: European Commission, Brussels, Belgium, September-October 2003.
  • 56
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    • What the EU Can Expect from the WTO
    • See, for example, 27 November
    • See, for example, P. Mandelson, 'What the EU Can Expect from the WTO', Le Figaro, 27 November 2005.
    • (2005) Le Figaro
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    • Oxfam International
    • Oxfam International, Stitched Up, p. 12.
    • Stitched Up , pp. 12
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    • An Unravelling Development Strategy? Garment Assembly in the Caribbean Basin after the Multifibre Arrangement
    • See, for example
    • See, for example, T. Heron, 'An Unravelling Development Strategy? Garment Assembly in the Caribbean Basin after the Multifibre Arrangement', Bulletin of Latin American Research, 25: 2 (2006), pp. 264-81.
    • (2006) Bulletin of Latin American Research , vol.25 , Issue.2 , pp. 264-281
    • Heron, T.1
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    • Rosamond, Europe
    • Rosamond, 'Europe'.


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