Studying Chinese politics: Farewell to revolution?

China Journal

Volumn , Issue 57, 2007, Pages 1-22

  Perry, Elizabeth J ^a  

^a HARVARD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

POLITICS;

ASIA; CHINA; EURASIA; FAR EAST;

EID: 33846908039     PISSN: 13249347     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/tcj.57.20066239     Document Type: Article

References (152)

1. On the early post-Mao experiments in political reform, see Merle Goldman, Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994);
2. Shiping Zheng, Party versus State in Post-1949 China: The Institutional Dilemma (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
3. On stalled political reform, see Joseph Fewsmith, China Since Tiananmen: The Politics of Transition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
4. Edward S. Steinfeld, Forging Reform in China: The Fate of State-Owned Industry (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998);
5. Jean C. Oi and Andrew G. Walder (eds), Property Rights and Economic Reform in China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999).
6. Lu Xiaobo, Cadres and Corruption: The Organizational Involution of the Chinese Communist Party (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000);
7. David C. Kang, Crony Capitalism: Corruption and Development in South Korea and the Philippines (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002);
8. Melanie Manion, Corruption by Design: Building Clean Government in Mainland China and Hong Kong (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004);
9. Yan Sun, Corruption and Market in Contemporary China (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004).
10. A positive assessment of Chinese state capacity is Dali L. Yang, Remaking the Chinese Leviathan: Market Transition and the Politics of Governance in China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004);
11. a negative assessment is Wang Shaoguang, "The Problem of State Weakness", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 14, No. 3 (2003), pp. 36-42.
12. On the importance of state-led economic growth in developing countries more generally, see Atul Kohli, State-Directed Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
13. Michel Oksenberg noted presciently in 1999 that "such previous depictions as 'totalitarianism,' a 'Leninist party state,' 'fragmented authoritarianism,' 'soft authoritarianism' or 'bureaucratic pluralism' miss the complexity of China's state structure on the eve of the twenty first century". Michel Oksenberg, "China's Political System: Challenges of the Twenty First Century", paper prepared for the Keio University International Symposium (December 1999).
14. Andrew G. Walder observes, "The longer China continues along its current trajectory of change, the less relevant are the prior examples of collapse and regime change in Eastern Europe and the USSR". Andrew G. Walder, "The Party Elite and China's Trajectory of Change", China: an International Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (September 2004), p. 190.
15. Pei Minxin, From Reform to Revolution: The Demise of Communism in China and the Soviet Union (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994).
16. Chalmers A. Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982);
17. Meredith Woo-Cumings (ed.), The Developmental State (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999);
18. Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).
19. Some have therefore attempted to apply the model at the level of the local rather than the national Chinese state, see Jean C. Oi, Rural China Takes Off: Institutional Foundations of Economic Reform (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).
20. In addition to size, however, there are other important differences between the PRC and the Four Tigers; for example, Chinese economic development has involved far greater foreign investment than was true for its East Asian neighbors. Mary Elizabeth Gallagher, Contagious Capitalism: Globalization and the Politics of Labor in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 6-7;
21. Yasheng Huang, Selling China: Foreign Direct Investment During the Reform Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
22. Between 1980 and 1990, among 122 countries China's average economic growth rate was second-highest and India's was eleventh. Between 1990 and 2000, China's was again second-highest - among 140 countries - while India ranked tenth. T. N. Srinivasan, "Economic Reforms and Global Integration", in Francine Frankel and Harry Harding (eds), The India-China Relationship (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), p. 236.
23. This is not surprising, inasmuch as larger cross-national studies have been unable to establish a significant correlation between either authoritarian regimes or democratic regimes and economic growth. Adam Przeworski, Michael E. Alvarez, Jose Antonio Cheibub and Fernando Limonqi, Democracy and Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
24. Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent: India's Growing Crisis of Governability (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
25. T. N. Srinivasan, "Economic Reforms", pp. 245, 259.
26. Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen, India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 85.
27. Jagdish Bhagwati, India in Transition: Freeing the Economy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 20-21.
28. Nicholas R. Lardy, Agriculture in Modern China's Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
29. Jagdish Bhagwati, India in Transition, p. 36.
30. Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen, India, pp. 85-86.
31. Rhoads Murphey, The Fading of the Maoist Vision: City and Country in China's Development (New York: Methuen, 1980), pp. 54-55.
32. On Mao's stated commitment to these goals, see Stuart Schram (ed.), Chairman Mao Talks to the People: Talks and Letters, 1956-1971 (New York: Pantheon, 1974), pp. 197-233;
33. on the implementation via mass campaigns, see Michel C. Oksenberg, Policy Formulation in China: The Case of the 1957-1958 Water Conservancy Campaign (Columbia University PhD dissertation, 1969)
34. and Charles P. Cell, Revolution at Work: Mobilization Campaigns in China (New York: Academic Press, 1977).
35. John King Fairbank, The United States and China, 4th ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), p. 449.
36. Proposal for conference to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University (December 2005).
37. Li Zehou and Liu Zaifu, Gaobie geming: huiwang ershishiji Zhongguo (Farewell to Revolution: Looking Back on Twentieth-Century China) (Hong Kong: Tiandi Book Company, 1997).
38. John King Fairbank, The Great Chinese Revolution, 1800-1985 (New York: Harper and Row, 1986), p. 351.
39. Benjamin I. Schwartz, Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951).
40. The opening of the Soviet archives in recent years has rekindled old debates about the extent to which the Chinese revolution simply replicated the Russian exemplar. For a partisan view that insists upon Soviet direction over virtually all aspects of the Chinese revolution, see Alexander Pantsov, The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Revolution, 1919-1927 (Richmond: Curzon, 2000);
41. a more balanced picture which argues for considerable autonomy and innovation on the part of the Chinese is presented in S. A. Smith, A Road is Made: Communism in Shanghai, 1920-27 (Richmond: Curzon, 2000).
42. Jean C. Oi, Rural China Takes Off;
43. Susan H. Whiting, Power and Wealth in Rural China: The Political Economy of Institutional Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
44. A recent effort to explain élite dynamics under Mao (and Deng) in game-theoretic terms is Huang Jing, Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
45. For a textbook overview of both Maoist and post-Mao systems, see Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution Through Reform, 2nd ed (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004).
46. General essays on the topic by several political scientists can be found in Jonathan Unger (ed.), The Nature of Chinese Politics: From Mao to Jiang (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2002).
47. On Qing expansion, see Peter Perdue, China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005).
48. On the fragility of China's geographical, political and cultural unity, see James E. Sheridan, China in Disintegration (New York: Free Press, 1975);
49. and Edward Friedman, National Identity and Democratic Prospects in Socialist China (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1995).
50. Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 14, No. 1 (2003), p. 6.
51. Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience", p. 13.
52. Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience", pp. 14-15.
53. On the bourgeoisie, see Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon, 1966);
54. on the working class, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyn Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992);
55. on both, see Ruth Berins Collier, Paths Toward Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
56. Dorothy J. Solinger, "Urban Entrepreneurs and the State", in Arthur Lewis Rosenbaum (ed.), State and Society in China: The Consequences of Reform (Boulder: Westview, 1992), pp. 121-41;
57. Margaret M. Pearson, China's New Business Elite: The Political Consequences of Economic Reform (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
58. Bruce J. Dickson, Red Capitalists in China: The Party, Private Entrepreneurs, and Prospects for Political Change (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
59. Kellee S. Tsai, Capitalism without Democracy: The Politics of Private Sector Development in China (forthcoming).
60. Ching Kwan Lee, "The Revenge of History: Collective Memories and Labor Protests in Northeastern China", Ethnography, Vol. 1, No. 2 (December 2000), pp. 217-37,
61. and "From the Specter of Mao to the Spirit of the Law: Labor Insurgency in China", Theory and Society, Vol. 31 (April 2002), pp. 189-228;
62. Chen Feng, "Subsistence Crisis, Managerial Corruption and Labor Protests in China", The China Journal, No. 44 (July 2000), pp. 41-63;
63. William Hurst and Kevin J. O'Brien, "China's Contentious Pensioners", The China Quarterly, No. 170 (June 2002), pp. 345-60;
64. Cai Yongshun, "The Resistance of Chinese Laid-off Workers in the Reform Period", The China Quarterly, No. 170 (June 2002), pp. 327-44.
65. Ching Kwan Lee, "Pathways of Labour Insurgency", in Elizabeth J. Perry and Mark Selden (eds), Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance, 2nd edition (London: Routledge, 2000), pp. 71-92.
66. Mary Gallagher has proposed that the way in which foreign direct investment took place in China - occurring before the advent of fundamental SOE reform or massive privatization - worked to "delay democracy" by fragmenting and forestalling potential political opposition, as enterprises and workers alike were forced to compete for capital and jobs. Mary E. Gallagher, "Reform and Openness: Why China's Economic Reforms Have Delayed Democracy", World Politics, Vol. 54, No. 3 (2002), pp. 339-72.
67. Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard, "Management of Party Cadres in China", in Kjeld Erick Brødsgaard and Zheng Yongnian (eds), Bringing the Party Back In: How China is Governed (Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 2004), pp. 57-91.
68. Barry J. Naughton and Dali L. Yang (eds), Holding China Together: Diversity and National Integration in the Post-Deng Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 9.
69. On the importance of the nomenklatura system during the 1980s, see Yasheng Huang, Inflation and Investment Controls in China: The Political Economy of Central-Local Relations During the Reform Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
70. Andrew G. Walder, "The Party Elite", p. 194.
71. Andrew G. Walder, "The Party Elite", p.195-97.
72. Hong Yung Lee, From Revolutionary Cadres to Party Technocrats in Socialist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991);
73. Melanie Manion, Retirement of Revolutionaries in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
74. Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience", p. 16.
75. Critiques of the totalitarian model as a characterization of Mao's China include Vivienne Shue, The Reach of the State: Sketches of the Chinese Body Politic (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988)
76. and Andrew G. Walder, Communist Neo-Traditionalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).
77. Juan J. Linz, Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes (Boulder: Lynn Reinner, 2000), p. 269.
78. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 92-93.
79. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).
80. Chen Yung-fa, Making Revolution: The Communist Movement in Eastern and Central China, 1937-1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).
81. Chen Yung-fa, "Making Revolution", p. 11.
82. Chen Yung-fa, "Making Revolution", p. 517. Similarly, Edward Friedman refers to Mao's style of rule as "war communism".
83. See Edward Friedman, National Identity, pp. 208-09.
84. For the operations of these institutions in the Maoist era, see William L. Parish and Martin King Whyte, Village and Family in Contemporary China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978);
85. Martin King Whyte and William L. Parish, Urban Life in Contemporary China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984);
86. Richard C. Kraus, Class Conflict in Chinese Socialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981);
87. Andrew G. Walder, Communist Neo-Traditionalism;
88. T. J. Cheng and Mark Selden, "The Origins and Social Consequences of China's Hukou System", The China Quarterly, No. 139 (September 1994), pp. 644-68;
89. Lu Xiaobo and Elizabeth J. Perry (eds), Danwei: The Changing Chinese Workplace in Historical and Comparative Perspective (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1997).
90. Elaboration of this argument can be found in Elizabeth J. Perry, "Shanghai's Strike Wave of 1957", The China Quarterly, No. 137 (March 1994), pp. 1-27;
91. and Elizabeth J. Perry and Li Xun, Proletarian Power: Shanghai in the Cultural Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997).
92. Mao's effort to reconcile the ideological vision of nationalism with the instrumental tactics of polarization can be seen in his 1938 essay, "The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War", in Selected Readings from the Works of Mao Tsetung (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1971), pp. 138-59.
93. On mass campaigns in the PRC, see Gordon A. Bennett, Yundong: Mass Campaigns in Chinese Communist Leadership (Berkeley: University of California Center for Chinese Studies, 1976).
94. Dorothy J. Solinger, Contesting Citizenship in Urban China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).
95. Elizabeth J. Perry, "To Rebel is Justified: Cultural Revolution Influences on Contemporary Chinese Protest", in Kam-yee Law (ed.), Beyond Purge and Holocaust: The Chinese Cultural Revolution Reconsidered (Palgrave Press, 2003), pp. 262-81.
96. Notable examples include Deng Xiaoping and the Democracy Wall movement of 1978-79; Hu Yaobang and the student protests of 1986-87; Zhao Ziyang and the Tiananmen unrest of 1989; Hu Jintao and anti-Japanese demonstrations in 1999 and later. See Elizabeth J. Perry, Challenging the Mandate of Heaven: Social Protest and State Power in China (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2002), Introduction, pp. ix-xxxii.
97. Sebastian Heilmann, "The Social Context of Mobilization in China: Factions, Work Units and Activists During the 1976 April Fifth Movement", China Information, No. 8 (Winter 1993-94), pp. 1-19.
98. On the mechanics of state suppression, see Murray Scot Tanner, Chinese Government Responses to Rising Social Unrest (Santa Monica: Rand, 2005);
99. Timothy Brook, Quelling the People: The Military Suppression of the Beijing Democracy Movement (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).
100. Interviews in Shanghai, January 1987. That workers and intellectuals continue to experience markedly different treatment at the hands of state authorities (and in the eyes of the public) was demonstrated graphically by the infamous Sun Zhigang case in 2003. Sun, a university graduate who was traveling without identification papers, was arrested when the police mistook him for a migrant laborer. After Sun was beaten to death while in police custody, the media, intellectual commentators and state officials all made much of the fact that a university graduate had been treated so terribly. Had Sun been an uneducated migrant worker, as the police originally suspected, his brutal death would surely not have elicited the same public outcry. A detailed discussion of the media coverage of this case can be found in a forthcoming book by Zhao Yuezhi, to whom I am grateful for this interpretation.
101. Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom, "The Year of Living Anxiously: China's 1999", Dissent (Spring 2002);
102. Elizabeth J. Perry, Challenging the Mandate of Heaven, Introduction.
103. Notice on Various Issues Regarding Identifying and Banning of Cultic Organizations (Beijing: Ministry of Public Security of The People's Republic of China, 2000),
104. reprinted in "Religion and Public Security in China, 1999-2002", Chinese Law and Government, Vol, 36, No. 2 (2003).
105. Renmin ribao (People's Daily) (3 September 2003).
106. "President Hu Jintao Calls for a 'People's War' Against SARS", Xinhua Report (Tianjin: 1 May, 2003), translated in Chinese Law and Government (July/August 2003), p. 44;
107. Joseph Kahn, "The SARS Epidemic", New York Times (25 April 2003);
108. Elisabeth Rosenthal, "SARS Makes Beijing Combat an Old but Unsanitary Habit", New York Times (28 May 2003).
109. Over 30,000 people were quarantined with official government approval, but many others were placed under unauthorized quarantine by their local neighborhood committees. On the official process, see Xinghuo Pang, Zhonghan Zhu, Fujie Xu, Jiyong Guo, Xiaohong Gong, Donglei Liu, Zejun Liu, Daniel P. Chin and Daniel R. Feikin, "Evaluation of Control Measures Implemented in the SARS Outbreak in Beijing, 2003", Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol, 290, No. 24 (24/31 December 2003), pp. 3215-221;
110. for the unofficial situation, see Taru Salmenkari, "SARS Prevention Campaign and the Limits of Media Mobilization", unpublished paper.
111. Renmin ribao (People's Daily), 4, 14, 29 and 30 July 2003.
112. Tony Saich, "Is SARS China's Chernobyl or Much Ado About Nothing?" in Arthur Kleinman and James L. Watson (eds), SARS in China: Prelude to Pandemic? (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), p. 89.
113. Joan Kaufman, "SARS and China's Health-Care Response: Better to be Both Red and Expert!" in Arthur Kleinman and James L. Watson (eds), "SARS in China", pp. 66-67.
114. Xinghuo Pang et al., "Evaluation of Control Measures", p. 3221.
115. Visit to Jinggangshan, Jiangxi, in summer 2005.
116. Laodong tiaojian zui cha, gongzuo zui jianku, zui weixian, dui guojia he qiye gongxian zui da de pingkuang tuixiu zhigong tuixiu yanglaojin dixia (The Dwindling Pensions of Retired Pingxiang Miners Whose Labor Conditions Were the Worst, Whose Work Was the Most Difficult and Dangerous, Yet Whose Contribution to Country and Enterprise Was the Greatest), unpublished protest manifesto (Anyuan, Jiangxi, 2004).
117. For the revolutionary history of the worker pickets, see Elizabeth J. Perry, Patrolling the Revolution: Worker Militias, Citizenship and the Modern Chinese State (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006).
118. Feng Chen, "Industrial Restructuring and Workers' Resistance in China", Modern China, Vol. 29, No. 2 (April 2003), p. 250.
119. In the countryside as well, there are reports of unruly militias challenging state authority. See, for example, China Focus, Vol. 6, No. 9 (1 September 1998), p. 4.
120. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance.
121. Patricia M. Thornton, "Framing Dissent in Contemporary China: Irony, Ambiguity and Metonymy", The China Quarterly, No. 171 (September 2002), pp. 661-81.
122. Sebastian Heilmann, "Turning Away from the Cultural Revolution: Political Grass-Roots Activism in the Mid-Seventies", Center for Pacific Asia Studies at Stockholm University, Occasional Paper, No. 28 (September 1996), pp. 11-13.
123. James D. Seymour (ed.), The Fifth Modernization: China's Human Rights Movement, 1978-79 (Stanfordville: Human Rights Publishing Group, 1980);
124. John Fraser, The Chinese: Portrait of a People (New York: Summit, 1980);
125. David S. G. Goodman, Beijing Street Voices: The Poetry and Politics of China's Democracy Movement (London: Marion Boyars, 1981).
126. more nuanced assessment can be found in Andrew J. Nathan, Chinese Democracy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).
127. Andrew G. Walder, "Urban Industrial Workers: Some Observations on the 1980s", in Arthur Lewis Rosenbaum (ed.), State and Society in China: The Consequences of Reform (Boulder: Westview, 1994), p. 104.
128. Wang Shaoguang, "Deng Xiaoping's Reform and the Chinese Workers' Participation in the Protest Movement of 1989", Research in Political Economy, Vol. 13 (1992), pp. 163-97.
129. Jack A. Goldstone, "Analyzing Rebellion and Revolution: A Reply to the Critics", Contention (1994), pp. 177-98.
130. Liu Xiaobo, "That Holy Word, 'Revolution'", in Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Elizabeth J. Perry (eds), Popular Protest and Political Culture in Modern China, 2nd edition (Boulder: Westview, 1994), pp. 315, 318.
131. Kevin O'Brien and Li Lianjiang, Rightful Resistance in the Chinese Countryside (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
132. For a more cautious assessment of contemporary rural protest, noting the continuities with peasant unrest in previous periods of Chinese history, see Thomas P. Bernstein and Xiaobo Lu, Taxation without Representation in Contemporary Rural China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
133. David Zweig, "To the Courts or to the Barricades: Can New Political Institutions Manage Rural Conflict?", in Elizabeth Perry and Mark Selden (eds), Chinese Society, p. 132.
134. Pei Minxin, "Rights and Resistance", in Elizabeth Perry and Mark Selden (eds), Chinese Society, pp. 40-43;
135. see also Pei Minxin, "Citizens v. Mandarins: Administrative Litigation in China", The China Quarterly, No. 152 (December 1997), pp. 832-62.
136. Merle Goldman, From Comrade to Citizen: The Struggle for Political Rights in China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), pp. 222-23.
137. Dexter Roberts, "Waking Up to Their Rights", Business Week (22/29 August 2005), p. 123.
138. David Shambaugh, "The Chinese State in the Post-Mao Era", in David Shambaugh (ed.), The Modern Chinese State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 183.
139. X. L. Ding, The Decline of Communism in China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 200.
140. Pei Minxin, China's Trapped Transition: The Limits of Developmental Autocracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006)
141. There is, of course, a serious issue about the meaning of the Chinese term quanli ("rights"). Stephen C. Angle delineates what he characterizes as "a distinctive Chinese discourse about rights" in his illuminating book, Human Rights and Chinese Thought (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
142. On the limited scope of these legal reforms, see Stanley Lubman, Bird in a Cage: Legal Reform in China after Mao (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999).
143. In a related vein, the German Sinologist Harro Von Senger noted some years ago: "In the PRC statutory law thus does not serve the function of an autonomous force for shaping the social order, independent of the CCP Party norms. It serves rather as a vehicle for making casuistic elaborations to Party norms and their translation into guiding principles which are compulsory for all citizens of the PRC". Harro Von Senger, "Recent Developments in the Relations between State and Party Norms in the People's Republic of China", in Stuart R. Schram (ed.), The Scope of State Power in China (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), p. 207.
144. Su Shaozhi remarks ruefully that "Chinese society has long been characterized by state worship". See his "Problems of Democratic Reform in China", in Edward Friedman (ed.), The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing East Asian Experiences (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), p. 223.
145. Examples of "rules conscious" protests in the Maoist era can be found in Elizabeth J. Perry "Shanghai's Strike Wave",
146. and Elizabeth J. Perry and Li Xun, Protetarian Power.
147. Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
148. On the changing of the élite guard, see Li Cheng, China's Leaders: The New Generation (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001).
149. Joseph R. Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).
150. In addition to Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience",
151. see also Cheng Chen, "Institutional Legitimacy of an Authoritarian State: China in the Mirror of Eastern Europe", Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 52, No. 4 (July/August 2005), pp. 3-13.
152. It may be significant, however, that all of the other remaining Communist regimes - Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam and Laos - share with China a legacy of nationalistic rural revolution.