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85039142395
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This article is excerpted from the introduction to my doctoral dissertation, under the same title, at the University of Wisconsin, Madison 2002, completed with the help of fellowships from the Udall Foundation and U. W. Foundation. Related links are at
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This article is excerpted from the introduction to my doctoral dissertation, under the same title, at the University of Wisconsin, Madison (2002), completed with the help of fellowships from the Udall Foundation and U. W. Foundation. Related links are at http://academic.evergreen.edu/g/grossmaz/ diss.html.
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2
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85039140041
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From 1997 to 2002 I interviewed more than eighty members of these Native/non-Native alliances. These individuals serve as living primary documents, who can speak in their own words about their personal and community transformations. Through the interviews I found common patterns of the development of Native-rural white alliances, as well as differences among the case studies. I asked interviewees a series of questions in three categories. First, how and why did Native and non-Native communities evolve from confrontation to cooperation? What motivated Native peoples and white fishermen, farmers, or ranchers to work together? How did the level of interethnic cooperation affect the success of the alliance? Did cooperation last beyond the environmental victory or defeat, and did it extend beyond environmental issues? Second, would the interethnic cooperation have been possible without the initial conflict? Did the assertion of Native sovereignty weaken or facilitate such allian
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From 1997 to 2002 I interviewed more than eighty members of these Native/non-Native alliances. These individuals serve as living "primary documents," who can speak in their own words about their personal and community transformations. Through the interviews I found common patterns of the development of Native-rural white alliances, as well as differences among the case studies. I asked interviewees a series of questions in three categories. First, how and why did Native and non-Native communities evolve from confrontation to cooperation? What motivated Native peoples and white fishermen, farmers, or ranchers to work together? How did the level of interethnic cooperation affect the success of the alliance? Did cooperation last beyond the environmental victory or defeat, and did it extend beyond environmental issues? Second, would the interethnic cooperation have been possible without the initial conflict? Did the assertion of Native sovereignty weaken or facilitate such alliances? Were attempts made to prevent or weaken interethnic cooperation or to mask Native participation? Did the alliances actually lessen racial divisions or merely gloss over cultural and socioeconomic differences? Third, how did cultural perceptions of the value of a place affect the outcome? Did a common veneration of a specific natural resource or place help ease the way for an alliance? Were members of the other community viewed as "outsiders" who violate social boundaries or as "insiders" in a common, territorially defined "home"?
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3
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0031789854
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Mik Moore, "Coalition Building between Native American and Environmental Organizations in Opposition to Development: The Case of the New Los Padres Dam Project," Organization and Environment 11 (1998): 371-93; World Wildlife Fund, Building Bridges between American Indians and Conservation Organizations, Pamphlet, 1996.
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David Sibley, Geographies of Exclusion: Society and Difference in the West (London: Routledge, 1995); Tim Cresswell, In Place, Out of Place: Geography, Ideology, and Transgression (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).
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United States v. Washington, 384 F. Supp. 312 (W.D. Wash. 1974).
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Lanny Carpenter, Puget Sound Gillnetters, interview by author, Olympia, WA, 13 August 1999.
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Liz Hamilton, Northwest Sportfishing Industry Association, interview by author, 16 August 2000.
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Tribes Object to Salmon Clubbing
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This tendency has also been noticeable when the gap remains wide between tribes and white farmers. In the drought-stricken Klamath Basin of southwestern Oregon, for example, the Klamath tribes, commercial fishing groups, and environmental groups called for the restoration of fish runs in the early 2000s but met fierce resistance from ranchers and farmers. The regional tribe-to-group alliance did not affect the attitudes of white agricultural communities, whose leadership was hostile to both sovereignty and environmental policies
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This tendency has also been noticeable when the gap remains wide between tribes and white farmers. In the drought-stricken Klamath Basin of southwestern Oregon, for example, the Klamath tribes, commercial fishing groups, and environmental groups called for the restoration of fish runs in the early 2000s but met fierce resistance from ranchers and farmers. The regional tribe-to-group alliance did not affect the attitudes of white agricultural communities, whose leadership was hostile to both sovereignty and environmental policies.
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