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Volumn 36, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 263-282

The European Union and sovereignist politics in Quebec: Who forgot their glasses?

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EUROPEAN UNION; GEOPOLITICS; SOVEREIGNTY;

EID: 33845868801     PISSN: 02722011     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/02722010609481700     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (2)

References (55)
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    • Canadian Press, "Landry gives Toronto Soft Sell," Regina Leader Post, November 27, 2001, p. A3.
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    • Joel-Denis Bellavance, "'Separatists' Call for New Partnership Worth Hearing: Clark," National Post, October 21, 1999,p. A7;
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    • see also Cauchon, April 10, 1995, p. A10
    • see also Cauchon, April 10, 1995, p. A10.
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    • PQ executive eyes Europe as model: Recommends that party repackage Canada-Quebec partnership along E.U. lines
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    • PQ executive eyes Europe as model: Recommends that party repackage Canada-Quebec partnership along E.U. lines
    • Kevin Dougherty, "PQ Executive Eyes Europe as Model: Recommends that Party Repackage Canada-Quebec Partnership along E.U. Lines," Montreal Gazette, 2000, p. A11. Ibid.
    • (2000) Montreal Gazette
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    • In its 2002 bulletin, the PQ lists the 26 countries that have joined the UN since 1992; see Parti québécois, Le Bulletin (2002).
    • (2002) Le Bulletin
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    • Harper pledges UNESCO role for Quebec
    • March 8, Accessed on March 12, 2006
    • Prime Minister Stephen Harper agreed in March 2006 to give Quebec a voice in UNESCO - within the Canadian delegation. See Terry Weber, "Harper pledges UNESCO role for Quebec," Globe and Mail, March 8, 2006, http://www.globeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20060308.wharper0308/BNPrint. Accessed on March 12, 2006.
    • (2006) Globe and Mail
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    • Ministère des relations internationales, Plan stratégique 2001-2004
    • Ministère des relations internationales, Le Quebec dans un ensemble international en mutation (Plan stratégique 2001-2004, 2001), pp. 23-4.
    • (2001) Le Quebec dans un Ensemble International en Mutation , pp. 23-24
  • 23
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    • Axel Hülsemeyer, ed., Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan
    • The term "globalization" has a number of different facets. For an analytical discussion of its components, see Axel Hülsemeyer, ed., Globalization in the Twenty-First Century: Convergence or Divergence? (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
    • (2003) Globalization in the Twenty-first Century: Convergence or Divergence?
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    • The implications of the process of economic globalization, specifically for select federal member states of regional integration treaties, are discussed in Axel Hülsemeyer, Globalization and Institutional Adjustment: Federalism as an Obstade? (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2004). The PQ mentions, among others, the Kyoto protocol, softwood lumber, and the establishment of international agricultural norms as issues on which Quebec could freely voice its position, if it were sovereign.
    • (2004) Globalization and Institutional Adjustment: Federalism as an Obstade?
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    • See Parti québécois, 2002, p. 14
    • See Parti québécois, 2002, p. 14.
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    • note
    • This process allows for discrimination against non-French speakers; in the mandatory interview, 15 points are awarded for proficiency in French, and 5 points for proficiency in English.
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    • The European Commission acts as coordinator between member states, and then represents this view with one voice through the Trade Commissioner.
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    • As European integration institutionally deepened, it underwent slight name changes. With the so-called Maastricht Treaty, the E.C. (which had been labeled as such since 1967) became the E.U. (see below).
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    • The expected benefits of the SEM were exhaustively elaborated in the officially commissioned so-called Cecchini Report on the "costs of non-Europe," which was based on a survey of 11,000 firms and published in 1988. The report was criticized, among other things, for having given insufficient weight to the strong possibility that the benefits would be distributed very unevenly among member states, regions, and industries. See Robert A. Jones, The Politics and Economics of the European Union: An Introductory Text (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1996), p. 173.
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    • Most of these measures were to be enacted through the concept of "mutual recognition," breaking with the traditional arduous and time-consuming E.C. concept of "harmonization," i.e. of a convergence of national standards around a new European one.
  • 39
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    • note
    • According to the European Commission public purchasing has reached up to 15% of GDP (Gross Domestic Product), while in the mid-1980s only 2% of all government contracts went to suppliers from other E.C. countries.
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    • For a detailed discussion of the connection between the SEA, monetary union and regional redistribution, see Axel Hülsemeyer, "Changing 'Political Economies of Scale' and Public Sector Adjustment: Insights from Fiscal Federalism," Review of International Political Economy 7, no. 1 (2000), pp. 72-100.
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    • note
    • Incidentally, the fall of trade restrictions between E.C. member states according to the policy of "mutual recognition" caused initial concern in Germany precisely with respect to beer. German regulations demand that it be brewed under the so-called purity law dating from 1516. It determines the ingredients allowed in its production. Since other Community member states do not have such standards, German consumers feared to be flooded with sub-standard beer on their supermarket shelves. However, as German consumers refused to buy their products, the major European breweries have all proceeded to brew their beers for the German market according to the purity law.
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    • Some of social regulations that were enacted as a consequence of the SEA have surpassed domestic standards even of advanced member states. Even the southern E.C. countries that had the most to lose from strong measures of Community regulation, as their adjustment costs are highest, agreed to the adoption of E.G. directives because they were unequipped to meet the expertise of the Commission. See Paul Pierson, "The Path to European Integration: A Historical Institutional Analysis," Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 2 (1996), p. 153. In addition, QMV made it difficult for these member states to prevent the European Council from passing elevated regulatory standards.
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    • The extension of European tasks and functions through the SEA did not so much consist of the schematic transfer of competencies from member states to Brussels. Rather it was the acquisition by the E.C. of co-responsibility and of possibilities of co-determination with the member states in ever more policy areas. See Rudolf Hrbek, "The Effects of E.U. Integration on German Federalism," in Charlie Jeffery, ed., Recasting German Federalism: The Legacies of Unification (London: Pinter, 1999), p 218.
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    • The so-called Mundell-Fleming theorem posits that under conditions of capital mobility, states are faced with a trade-off between exchange rate stability and monetary autonomy; if the exchange rate is held constant, monetary policy cannot deviate from that of other countries. See Jeffry A. Frieden, "Invested Interests: The Politics of National Economic Policies in a World of Global Finance," International Organisation 45, no. 4 (1991), pp. 425-51.
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    • Yet, any such "threat" is either not credible or displays unfamiliarity with the operation of the U.S. Federal Reserve System. While it is geographically divided into twelve districts, these individual districts represent the commercial banks of that region, not the public interest as is the case with the Bank of Canada, the E.C.B and its national central banks. A similar error about the operation of the U.S. Federal Reserve System is committed by those advocating that a single currency between Canada and the United States. See Axel Huelsemeyer, Toward Deeper North American Integration: A Customs Union? Canadian-American Public Policy Occasional Paper No. 59. Orono, ME: Canadian-American Center, University of Maine, 2004.
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    • note
    • Although national regional policies are still operated within the Union, the governments in the less wealthy member states usually do not have the resources to tackle major regional problems by themselves.
  • 49
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    • note
    • The Cohesion Fund covers between 80% and 89% of the costs of the projects it supports.
  • 50
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    • The institutional framework in the early 1980s exhibited two features. First, although the E.C.'s supranational bodies, the Commission and the European Court of Justice, had been able to expand their influence on the Community's policies and legal structure, ultimate decisions were left to intergovernmental bargaining in the European Council. See Robert O. Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann, "Institutional Change in Europe in the 1980s," in Robert O. Keohane and Stanley Hoffmann, eds., The New European Community: Decisionmaking and Institutional Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991);
    • (1991) The New European Community: Decisionmaking and Institutional Change
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    • as well as and Anne-Marie Burley and Walter Mattli, "Europe before the Court: A Political Theory of Legal Integration," International Organisation 47, no. 1 (1993), pp. 47-76.
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    • There, in accordance with the so-called Luxembourg Compromise of 1966, the heads of state and government had to decide with unanimity, if a member state declared an issue as being of vital national importance. See Andrew Moravcsik, "Negotiating the Single European Act: National Interest and Conventional Statecraft in the European Community," International Organization 45, no. I (1991), pp. 19-56. Second, decision making in the Council had been complicated further by the doubling of E.C. membership between 1973 and 1986 and the increased divergence in the level of economic development resulting from it. Four of the six new members (Ireland, Greece, Portugal, and Spain) are the poorest within the Community, based on their GDP compared to the Union average.
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    • The European community between social policy and social regulation
    • For example, qualified majority exists for issues of occupational health and safety, as well as for the working environment. E.C. directives in these fields do not need to be explicitly justified with the completion of the internal market. See Giandomenico Majone, "The European Community between Social Policy and Social Regulation," Journal of Common Market Studies 31, no. 2 (1993), p. 164;
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    • note
    • One of the highest profile cases in recent years involved a 21-year old German female who wanted to join an armored unit of the German military. Since the German constitution allowed females only as musicians and medics, the plaintiff charged that this was violating the equality of gender guaranteed in Community law. The Court sided with the female, demanding a change of the German constitution.


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