The earliest hospitals in Byzantium, Western Europe, and Islam

Journal of Interdisciplinary History

Volumn 35, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 361-389

  Horden, Peregrine ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LONDON   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33751174308     PISSN: 00221953     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/0022195052564243     Document Type: Article

References (172)

1. Edwin A. Judge, The Conversion of Rome: Ancient Sources of Modern Social Tensions (Sydney, 1980), 10,
2. quoted, by Ramsay MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire (AD 100-400) (New Haven, 1984), 154, n. 25;
3. idem, Ramsay MacMullen, "What Difference did Christianity Make?" Historia, XXXV (1986), 322-343;
4. Peter Brown, Authority and the Sacred: Aspects of the Christianisation of the Roman World (Cambridge, 1995), x, 6-7, 47.
5. Brown, Authority, 3;
6. Carole Rawcliffe. Medicine for the Soul: The Life, Death and Resurrection of an English Medieval Hospital; St Giles's, Norwich, c. 1249-1550 (Thrupp, 1999);
7. John Henderson, The Renaissance Hospital (New Haven, forthcoming);
8. Marco H. D. van Leeuwen, The Logic of Charity: Amsterdam, 1800-1850 (Basingstoke, 2000). Since the discussion that follows touches too many areas and periods to be fully documented herein, footnotes henceforth are largely confined to recent work that opens up, to the non-specialist, both the primary evidence and a wider secondary literature.
9. Brown, Poverty and Leadership in the Later Roman Empire (Hanover, 2002),
10. partly anticipated in idem, Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire (Madison, 1992), 75-103.
11. Contrast Evelyne Patlagcan, "The Poor," in Guglielmo Cavallo (ed.), The Byzantines (Chicago, 1997), 18;
12. Contrast Evelyne Patlagcan, idem, Pauvreté économique et pauvreté sociale à Byzance 4e-7e siècle (Paris, 1977), 185-188, 231-235.
13. For critical reflections on Brown's possibly too reductive analysis of power and its uses in the late antique city, see Éric Rebillard, "La 'conversion' de l'empire romain selon Peter Brown," Annales (July/August, 1999), 813-823.
14. See also, anticipating Brown, Brian E. Daley, "Building a New City: The Cappadocian Fathers and the Rhetoric of Philanthropy," Journal of Early Christian Studies, VII (1999), 432-433.
15. Christopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore, 1997), 235-238, 314.
16. Brown, Poverty, 8.
17. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Cambridge, Mass., 1991). On Michel Foucault,
18. see Roy Porter, Mind Forg'd Manacles: A History of Madness in England from the Restoration to the Regency (London, 1987), 7-9.
19. Basil's philanthropic foundations are discussed in Brown, Poverty, 3 8-42;
20. Susan R. Holman, The Hungry Are Dying: Beggars and Bishops in Roman Cappadocia (New York, 2001). 74-75;
21. Timothy S. Miller. The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire (Baltimore, 1997; orig. pub. 1985), 85-88.
22. Rebillard, "Église et sépulture dans l'antiquité tardive (occident latin, 3e-6e siècles)," Annales (September/October 1999). 1037-1038;
23. idem, Rebillard, "Les formes de l'assistance funéraire dans l'empire romain et leur évolution dans l'antiquité tardive," Antiquité tardive, VII (1999), 274-278.
24. For the hospital as the "easiest way up to heaven," see Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio, 43.63 (Funeral Oration for Basil the Great), in Jean Bernardi (ed. and trans.), Grégoire de Nazianze, Discours 42-43 (Paris, 1992), 262.
25. Sandra Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy: Benefactors and Their Motives in Turin, 1547-1789 (Cambridge, 1995).
26. For a fuller discussion of the evidence, see Horden, "The Christian Hospital in Late Antiquity: Break or Bridge?'' in Florian Steger and Kay Peter Jankrift (eds.), Gesundheit - Krankheit: Kulturtransfer medizmischen Wissens Von der Spätantike bis indie Frühe Neuzeit (Cologne, 2004), 77-99.
27. For Pachornius, see Andrew T. Crislip, "The Monastic Health Care System and the Development of the Hospital in Late Antiquity." unpub. Ph.D. diss. (Yale University, 2002), 20;
28. the "first" Greek and Bohairic Lives of Pachomius (sections 28, 26), in Armand Veilleux (trans.), Pachomian Koinonia (Kalamazoo, 1980), I, 315. 48.
29. See also Demetrios J. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare (New Rochelle, 1991; orig. pub. 1968), 113-162;
30. Miller, Birth. 21-22
31. (favoring as explanation the competition for pauper support of orthodox and Arians): Brown, Poverty, 36-38.
32. The explanation in terms of asceticism was propounded by Gilbert Dagron, "Les moines et la ville: le monachisme à Constantinople jusqu'au concile de Chalcédoine (451)," Travaux et Mémoires, IV (1970), 229-276,
33. and criticized in Brown, Poverty, 38.
34. See also Daniel Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks: Spiritual Authority and the Promotion of Monasticism in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 2002), 96-101, 175-176.
35. Brown, Poverty, 2, 25, 34;
36. Horden, "Christian Hospital," 88;
37. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, VI.43.II, in Eduard Schwartz and Theodor Mommsen (eds.), Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller (Berlin, 1999), VI.2 618.
38. For Armenia, see Nina G. Garsoïan (trans.), The Epic Histories Attributed to P'awstos Buzand (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), 115, 211-212.
39. Vivian Nutton, "From Galen to Alexander: Aspects of Medicine and Medical Practice in Late Antiquity," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XXXVIII (1984), 9;
40. for Hippo, Horden, "Christian Hospital," 97;
41. Jerome, Letter 77.6, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi epistulae, in Isidore Hilberg (ed.), Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna, 1996; orig. pub. 1911), LV, 43.
42. Thomas Sternberg, Orientalium More Secutus: Räume und Institutionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts in Gallien, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband (Münster, 1991), XVI, which is of much wider geographical reference than its title suggests.
43. For the "oriental custom" in hospital endowment in Franria, see ibid., Thomas Sternberg, Orientalium More Secutus: Räume und Institutionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts in Gallien, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Ergänzungsband 277-279;
44. for Caesarius, 196-199. On Spain,
45. see Peter Heather (ed.), The Visigoths from the Migration Period to the Seventh Century: An Ethnographic Perspective (Woodbridge, U.K., 1999), 196, 272;
46. Vitas Sanctum Patrum Emeretensium, V.3, in A. Maya Sánchez (ed.). Corpus Christianorum (Turnhout, Belgium, 1992), CXVI, 50-51;
47. A. T. Fear (trans.), Lives of the Visigothic Fathers (Liverpool, 1997), 74-75.
48. Susan Ashbrook Harvey, "The Holy and the Poor: Models from Early Syriac Christianity," in Emily Albu Hanawalt and Carter Lindberg (eds.), Through the Eye. of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare (Kirksville. 1994), 49-51.
49. Friedrun R. Hau, "Gondeschapur: eine Medizinschule aus dem 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr.," Gesnerus, XXXVI (1979), 98-115.
50. Michael W. Dols, "The Origins of the Islamic Hospital: Myth and Reality," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, LXI (1987), 367-390;
51. Horden, "Nestorians, Gondeshapur, and Islamic Medicine: A Sceptical Comment," unpub. paper (Cambridge, 1983);
52. Lawrence I. Conrad, "The Institution of the Hospital in Medieval Islam: Ideals and Realities," unpub. paper (London, 1985). On Zoroastrian charity,
53. see Ehsan Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica (Costa Mesa, Calif., 1991), V,
54. s.v. "Charitable Foundations." The quotation is from (pseudo-) Zacharias Rhetor, Ecclesiastical History, XII.7, in Ernest W. Brooks (ed.), Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (1921), II, 217-218. I am grateful to Andrew Palmer for help with the translation.
55. The supposed evidence for an early eighth-century Islamic hospital is neatly demolished by Conrad, "Did al-Walid found the First Islamic Hospital?" Aram, VI (1994), 225-244.
56. For the Barmakid hospital, see Dols, "Origins," 382-383.
57. On the translation movement, a convenient and authoritative summary is Conrad, "The Arab-Islamic Medical Tradition," in idem et al., The Western Medical Tradition 800 BC to AD 1800 (Cambridge, 1995). 103-110.
58. Thelma D. Sullivan, "Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina: The Great Spinner and Weaver," in Elizabeth Hill Boone (ed.), The Art and Iconography of Late Post-Classic Central Mexico (Washington, D.C., 1982), 19-22.
59. For the preclassical Mediterranean and Middle East, I shall not use a footnote to try to prove a negative. There has been no proper comparative discussion of this subject since Hendrik Bolkestein, Wohltätigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristlichen Altertum: ein Beitrag zum Problem "Moral und Gesellschaft" (Utrecht, 1939).
60. Nor to my knowledge is there any reliable modern global survey. The literature is variable in quality and mostly elderly. See Karl Sudhoff. "Aus der Geschichte des Krankenhauswesens im früheren Mittelalter in Morgenland und Abendland," Sudhoffs Archiv, XXI (1929). 165-166, 178;
61. Reinhold F. G. Müller, "Über Krankenhäuser aus Indiens älteren Zeiten," ibid., Sudhoffs Archiv XXII (1930), 135-151;
62. Arthur L. Basham, "The Practice of Medicine in Ancient and Medieval India," in Charles Leslie (ed.), Asian Medical Systems: A Comparative Study (Berkeley, 1976), 34-36.
63. Dorninik Wujastyk (trans.), The Roots of Ayurveda: Selections from Sanskrit Medical Writings (London, 2003), xv-xvi, offers an overoptimistic snapshot of the antiquity and diffusion of Indian hospitals.
64. Georg Harig, "Zum Problem 'Krankenhaus' in der Antike," Kilo, LVI (1971), 188-193;
65. Nutton, "Healers in the Medical Market Place: Towards a Social History of Graeco-Roman Medicine," in Andrew Wear (ed.), Medicine in Society: Historical Essays (Cambridge, 1992), 50-52;
66. Nutton, "Hospitals in Antiquity,'' unpub. paper (London, 1985);
67. Leonhard Schumacher, Sklaverei in der Antike: Alltag und Schicksal der Unfreien (München, 2001);
68. Jonathan P. Roth, The Logistics of the Roman Army at War (264 B.C.-A.D. 235) (Leiden, 1999), 86.
69. Patricia Anne Baker, "The Roman Military Valetudinaria: Fact or Fiction?", in Robert Arnott (ed.), The Archaeology of Medicine (Oxford, 2002), 69-80.
70. Hyginus. Liber de Munitionibus Castrorum, 4, in M. C. M. Miller and J. G. DeVoto (trans. and eds.), Polybius and Pseudo-Hyginus: The Fortification of the Roman Camp (Chicago, 1994), 68-69.
71. For the later Middle Ages, see John Henderson, The Renaissance Hospital (forthcoming).
72. Théodore Reinach, "L'inscription de Théodotos," Revue des études juives, LXXI (1920), 46-56.
73. The translation is quoted from Steven Fine (ed.), Sacred Realm: The Emergence of the Synagogue in the Ancient World (New York, 1996), 9.
74. Context is discussed by Nutton, "Hospitals in Antiquity";
75. idem, Nutton, "From Galen to Alexander," 9.
76. Unlike others, I remain persuaded by the negative answer defended by David Seccombe in "Was There Organized Charity in Jerusalem before the Christians?" Journal of Theological Studies, XXIX (1978), 140-143.
77. On the minimal and ambiguous evidence of other synagogue hostels, see Carl H. Kraeling, The Synagogue: The Excavations at Dura-Europos Final Report VIII, Part I (New Haven, 1970: orig. pub. 1950), 10-11.
78. The only recent discussion known to me is Frank M. Loewenberg, From Charity to Social Justice: The Emergence of Communal Institutions for the Support of the Poor in Ancient Judaism (New Brunswick, 2001), 141-142, 153.
79. On synagogue hospitality, see also S. Safrai and M. Stern (eds.), The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions (Amsterdam, 1976), II, 943;
80. Lee I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, 2000), 381-382.
81. For hospitals in the letter by Gregory the Great, see Register, 9.38, in M. Hartmann (ed.), Gregorii I Papae registrum epistolarum (Berlin, 1899), II, 67.
82. For Julian's Letter 22 to the high priest of the province of Galatia,
83. see Wilmer Cave Wright (ed. and trans.), The Works of the Emperor Julian (London. 1953). III, 70-71.
84. On the controversial "soup kitchen," see Joyce Reynolds and Robert Tannenbaum, Jews and Godfearers at Aphrodisias (Cambridge, 1987), 28-29, 41.
85. I do not know of a satisfactory modern study of Jewish hospitals in the later Middle Ages. See Mark Cohen's section on medical care for the needy in Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt (forthcoming).
86. The fundamental study remains Shelomo Dov Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza (Berkeley, 1977-1988), 5v.
87. For the case at hand, see ibid. Shelomo Dov Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, II, 113-114, 133, 135-136, 153-154, 251.
88. For the fundug, see Olivia Remie Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World: Lodging, Trade, and Travel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2003), 85-88.
89. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, II, 251-252.
90. For an argument that true hospitals require physicians, see Miller, Birth. For a hospital in a Spanish villa,
91. see Brown, Poverty, 130. n. 22.
92. For Paulinus of Nola and a portico hospital in the early fifth century, see Paulinus. Poem 21, Il. 384-386, in P. G. Walsh (trans.),
93. The Poems of St. Paulinus of Nola (New York, 1975), 185.
94. For temporary hospitals and famine relief, see Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, 40. in Cuthbert Butler (ed.), The Lausiac History of Palladius (Cambridge, 1904), II, 126-127.
95. For pagan quasi-hospitals, see Nutton, "Hospitals in Antiquity";
96. Harig, "Zum Problem 'Krankenhaus.'"
97. For the bishop's house, see Sternberg, Orientalium More Secutis, 52-92.
98. Augustine, Sermon 356.10. in Jacques-Paul Migne (ed.), Patrologia Latina (Paris 1844-1865), XXXIX, col. 1578;
99. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (Oxford, 2003; orig. pub. 1996), 78;
100. idem, Brown, Poverty, 65.
101. Nutton, Ancient Medicine (London, 2004), 307-308;
102. Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy, 122.
103. For a multi-storied hospital, see Miller, "The Sampson Hospital of Constantinople," Byzantinische Forschungen, XV (1990), 113.
104. Charles du Fresne du Cange, Historia Byzantina, II. Consttintinopolis Christiana (Paris, 1680), 163-106;
105. Robert Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l'empire byzantin, première partie. III. Les églises et les monastères (Paris, 1969; orig. pub. 1953), 552-567;
106. Konstantina Mentzou-Mcimare, "Eparchiaka evagc idrymata mechri to u telous tes cikonomachias," Byzamina, XI (1982), 243-308;
107. Sternberg, Orientalium More Secutus, 291 (map);
108. Walther Schönfeld, "Die Xenodochien in Italien und Frankreich im frühen Mittelalter," Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung, XII (1922), 1-54;
109. Conrad, "Arab-Islamic Medicine," in William F. Bynum and Porter (eds.), Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (London, 1993), II, 716;
110. idem, Conrad, "Institution of the Hospital."
111. Satchell, "Emergence of Leper Houses;"
112. Brown, Poverty, 27-28, 65;
113. Judith Herrin, "Ideals of Charity, Realities of Welfare: The Philanthropic Activity of the Byzantine Church," in Rosemary Morris (ed.), Church and People In Byzantium (Birmingham. 1991), 153-154;
114. Peter Garnsey and Caroline Humfress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge, 2001), 126-127.
115. Wendy Davies, "The Place of Healing in Early Irish Society," in Donnchadh Ó Corráin, Liam Breatnach, and Kim McCone (eds.), Sages, Saints and Storytellers: Celtic Studies in Honour of Professor James Carney (Maynooth, 1989), 43,
116. notes the absence of "any strong tradition of sick care in early Irish monastic rules." On Anglo-Saxon hospitals, see most recently Audrey Meancy, "The Practice of Medicine in England about the Year 1000," Social History of Medicine, XIII (2000). 224-227.
117. For the Bremen hospital, see Rimbert, Vita S. Anskarii, 35. in Werner Trillrnich (ed.), Quellen des 9. und 11. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte der Hamburgische Kirche und des Reiches (Darmstadt, 1978), 112.
118. Patlagean, "Poor," 18.
119. Brown, Poverty, 128. n. 13, gives some more recent bibliography on the prosperity of the later Roman Empire in the east.
120. See also Jairus Banaji, Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity: Gold, Labour, and Aristocratic Dominance (Oxford, 2001), 214-215;
121. Peter Sarris, "Rehabilitating the Great Estate: Aristocratic Property and Economic Growth in the Late Antique East," in William Bowden, Luke Lavan, and Carlos Machado (eds.), Recent Research on the Late Antique Countryside (Leiden, 2004), 55-71.
122. I shall not try to buttress that brief overview. Some of the issues raised appear in Horden and Nicholas Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (Oxford, 2000), 153-172.
123. See also Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce AD 300-900 (Cambridge, 2001).
124. Rimbert, Vita S. Anskarii, 20, in Trillrnich (ed.), Quellen, 35;
125. Ian Wood, The Missionary Life: Saints and the Evangelisation of Europe 400-1050 (Harlow, 2001). 123-132.
126. For the lesser scale of poverty in Western Europe, as compared, with Byzantium, see Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (London, 1981), 40,
127. although Brown, Poverty,
128. which takes a different view of the scale of poverty in the east, would presumably downplay his earlier stark contrast. For context, see Valerio Neri, I marginali nell'occidente tardoantico: poveri, "infames " e criminali nella nascente società cristiana (Bari, 1998), 97-102, the latest contribution to the literature on the matricula pauperum in Gaul.
129. van Leeuwen, Logic of Charity, 20, 26.
130. Garnsey and Humfress, Evolution, 123-127;
131. Brown, Poverty, 17, 27;
132. Adolf von Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums (Leipzig, 1924; orig. pub. New York, 1904/5 [trans. J. Moffat]).
133. See also Rodney Stark, The Rise of Christianity: A Sociologist Reconsiders History (Princeton, 1996),
134. and his papers as discussed in William R. Garrett, "Sociology and New Testament Studies: A Critical Evaluation of Rodney Stark's Contribution," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, XXIX (1990), 377-384;
135. Gary B. Ferngren, "Early Christianity as a Religion of Healing," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, LXI (1992), 1-15;
136. MacMullen, Christianizing, 25-42;
137. Robert M. Grant, Early Christianity and Society (London, 1977), 124-145.
138. Elaine Phillips, "Charitable Institutions in Norfolk and Suffolk," unpub. Ph.D. diss. (University of East Ariglia, 2001;
139. Peter van Minnen, "Medical Care in Late Antiquity," in Philip J. van der Eijk, H. F. J. Horstrnanshoff, and P. H. Schrijvers (eds.), Ancient Medicine in Its Socio-Cultural Context (Atlanta, 1995), 1, 153-169.
140. For John the Alrnsgiver, see Life, 7, in Elizabeth Dawes and Norman Baynes (trans.). Three Byzantine Saints (Oxford, 1948), 203.
141. Gregory Nazianzen. Oratio, 43.63.
142. In the tenth-century (?) Life of Luke the Stylite, a patient with severe head injuries is discharged as incurable from one major Constantinople xenon to end his days in some other unnamed institution (Hippolyte Delehaye [ed.], Les saints stylites [Paris, 1923], 218).
143. On hospitals as sources of employment, see Patlagean, Pauvreté, 196-203;
144. Rawcliffe, Medicine for the Soul.
145. For a hospital's distributions, see Bernard P. Grenfell and Arthur S. Hunt (eds.), The Amherst Papyri (London, 1901), II, 188-189, no. 154;
146. Nicholas Orme and Margaret Webster, The English Hospital 1070-1570 (New Haven, 1995), 49-68.
147. For Julian, see Wright (ed. and trans.), Works, III, 70-71.
148. For Armenia, see Garsoïan (trans.), Epic Histories, 211-212;
149. Brown, Poverty, 42-43.
150. Fuller documentation of what follows can be found in Horden, "A Discipline of Relevance: The Historiography of the Later Medieval Hospital," Social History of Medicine, I (1988), 359-374;
151. idem, Horden, "Household Care and Informal Networks: Comparisons and Continuities from Antiquity to the Present," in idem and Richard Smith (eds.), The Locus of Care: Families, Communities, Institutions and the Provision of Welfare since Antiquity (New York, 1998), 21-67;
152. idem, Horden, "Family History and Hospital History in the Middle Ages," in Eugenio Sonnino (ed.). Living in the City (Rome, 2004), 255-282.
153. Brown, Persuasion, 92-93.
154. Nutton, "From Galen to Alexander." 10, hypothesizes a crisis of patronage during the third to fourth centuries that could help explain the rise of the hospital in the later Roman Empire. I do not know how such a crisis could readily be detectable.
155. For the comparative bibliography, see Horden, "Household Care";
156. Adriann Verhulst, The Carolingian Economy (Cambridge, 2002), 23-28,
157. on the early medieval western peasant family: Neri, Marginali.
158. For a sample of the Geniza material, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, II, 460: V, 74, 110, 117, 122. I take a view of this evidence different from that of Mark Cohen, to whom I am indebted for discussion and references.
159. See Cohen, Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt.
160. For the miracles of St. Louis, see Sharon Farmer, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris: Gender, Ideology and the Daily Lives of the Poor (Ithaca, 2002).
161. Note also William Chester Jordan, Women and Credit in Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies (Philadelphia, 1993),
162. too little known in this context. Miracula S. Willehadi auctore S. Anskari episcopo Bremensi, IX, XII,
163. in Acta Sanctorum, November, III, 349.
164. Wood, Missionary Life.
165. Gregory. De virtutibus Juliani, IX, in Raymond Van Dam (trans.). Saints and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton, 1993), 170.
166. De virtutibus Martini, III.16, II.4;
167. Van Dam (trans.), Saints, 266-267, 231.
168. Van Minnen, "Medical Care," 153;
169. Miller, Birth.
170. Summarized, in this paragraph is Horden, "How Medicalized were Byzantine Hospitals?" in Neithard Bulst (ed.), Sozialgeschichte mittelalterliche Hospitäler, Vorträge und Forschungen (Stuttgart, forthcoming), LIII.
171. See also idem, Horden, "The Millennium Bug: Health and Medicine around the Year 1000," Social History of Medicine, XIII (2000), 214-215;
172. Peter E. Pormann, "Theory and Practice in the Early Hospitals in Baghdad: Al-Kaškari on Rabies and Melancholy," Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften, XV (2002/2003), 198-199.