Byzantine glass mosaic tesserae: Some material considerations

Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 29-47

  James, Liz ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33750915302     PISSN: 03070131     EISSN: 1749625X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1179/030701306X96582     Document Type: Article

References (149)

1. A. Cutler, 'The industries of art' in The Economic History of Byzantium, Seventh to Fifteenth Centuries, ed. A. Laiou, II (Washington 2002) 557-61.
2. Much of what is said is based on assumptions about early Italian mosaics, drawn from C. Harding, 'The production of medieval mosaics: the Orvieto evidence' DOP 43 (1989), 73-102.
3. The two standard accounts of Byzantine glass are both over thirty years old: J. Philippe, Le Monde byzantin dans l'histoire de la verrerie (Bologna 1970), and
4. A. Grabar, 'La verrerie d'art byzantine au Moyen Age', Fondation Eugène Piot. Monuments et Mémoires 57 (1971) 89-128.
5. Both are concerned almost exclusively with 'luxury' glass and objets d'art. A. von Saldern, 'Byzantine glass: Problems of terminology and chronology', in Gilded and enamelled glass from the Middle East, ed. R. Ward (London 1998) 1-3,
6. is equally concerned with these questions, though he does acknowledge the existence of other sorts of Byzantine glass. V. François and J.-M. Spieser, 'Pottery and glass in Byzantium', in Economic History of Byzantium 593-8,
7. barely discuss mosaic. Elsewhere, Philippe, 'Reflections on Byzantine glass', 1st International Anatolian Glass Symposium 1988 (Istanbul 1990) 43,
8. notes that it is 'beyond doubt that glass was present in the Byzantine treasuries' yet fails to mention the tons of glass that filled churches throughout the city. A notable exception to this trend is M. Mundell Mango and J. Henderson, 'Glass at medieval Constantinople: Preliminary scientific evidence', in Constantinople and its Hinterland, ed. G. Dagron and C. Mango (Aldershot 1995) 333-58.
9. A.H.S. Megaw, 'Byzantine architecture and decoration in Cyprus: Metropolitan or provincial?', DOP 28 (1974) 57-88.
10. Livadia: A.H.S. Megaw and E.J.W. Hawkins, 'A fragmentary mosaic of the Orant Virgin in Cyprus', Actes du XIV Congrès International des études byzantins, Bucharest 1972, III (1976) 363-6.
11. Kiti: A.H.S. Megaw, 'Early Byzantine monuments in Cyprus in the light of recent discoveries', Akten des XI Internationalen Byzantinistenkongresses, Munich 1958 (1960) 345-51.
12. Lythrankomi: A.H.S. Megaw and E.J.W. Hawkins, The church of the Panagia Kanakaria at Lythrankomi in Cyprus (Washington 1977).
13. Dürres: N. Thierry, 'Une mosaique à Dyrrachium', Cahiers Archéologiques 18 (1968) 227-9, and
14. A. Ducellier, La Façade maritime de l'Albanie au Moyen Age (Thessaloniki c.1981) 32-4.
15. Amorium: M.A.V. Gill, Amorium Reports, Finds I: the Glass (1987-97) (Oxford 2002) esp. 14, 105, 262;
16. J. Witte-Orr, 'Fresco and mosaic fragments from the Lower City Church', in Amorium Reports II: Research Papers and Technical Reports, ed. C.S. Lightfoot (Oxford 2003) 139-56.
17. Dereaǧzi: J. Morganstern, The Byzantine Church at Dereaǧzi and its Decoration (Tübingen 1983).
18. Sardis: H. Buchwald, 'Sardis Church E: A preliminary report', JÖBG 26 (1977) 265-99.
19. Anazarbus: M. Gough, 'Anazarbus', Anatolian Studies 2, (1952), 115.
20. Cilicia and Isauria: S. Hill, The Early Byzantine Churches of Cilicia and Isauria (Aldershot 1996).
21. Çiftlik: S. Hill, 'Çiftlik', Anatolian Studies 45 (1995) 224-5. It should be noted that in the majority of cases cited in this paper, the presence of tesserae is simply recorded and little or no information is provided about quantity, weight or colour.
22. Kartmin: E.J.W. Hawkins and M. Mundell, 'The mosaics of the monastery of Mar Samuel, Mar Simeon and Mar Gabriel near Kartmin; with a note on the Greek inscriptions by Cyril Mango' DOP 27 (1973) 280-96.
23. Shikmona and other sites: A. Ovadiah, Corpus of the Byzantine churches in the Holy Land (Bonn 1970) and
24. B. Bagatti, Ancient Christian villages of Samaria (Jerusalem 2002), e.g. 72, where Bagatti records picking up gold tesserae.
25. P. Delougaz and R.C. Haines, A Byzantine Church at Khirbat al-Karak (Chicago 1960) esp. 26-7, 49 and 56.
26. M. Buzov, 'Early Christian mosaics on the Adriatic coast', Acta XIII Congressus Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae, III (Split 1998) 175-86.
27. Megaw, 'Byzantine architecture and decoration in Cyprus', 74. Disappointingly, he nowhere expands on this statement. Examples include Kourion and Kalavasos: E. Herscher, 'Archaeology in Cyprus', American Journal of Archaeology 99 (1995) 291.
28. For mosaic workshops, A.H.S. Megaw 'Interior decoration in early Christian Cyprus', Acts of 15th International Byzantine Congress (Athens 1976) 3-29.
29. J.M. Shelley, 'The Christian basilica at the Cenchrean Gate at Corinth', Hesperia 12 (1943) 166-89. Amphipolis:
30. E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, 'Vitraux paléochrétiens à Philippes', Corsi sull'arte Ravennati 31 (1984) 277-96. Knossos:
31. W.H.C. Frend and D.E. Johnston, 'The Byzantine basilical church at Knossos', ABSA 57 (1962) 190. Athens:
32. Andreescu, 'Les mosaïques de la lagune vénitienne aux environs de 1100', Acts of 15th International Byzantine Congress (Athens 1976) 15-30, and
33. Andreescu, 'A corpus of wall-mosaics, Venice, Greece, St Sophia: progress and prospects', Byzantine Studies Congress Abstracts 5 (1979) 51-2.
34. Also A. Gasparetto, 'Matrici e aspetti della vetraria veneziana e veneta medievale', Journal of Glass Studies 21 (1979) 76-97.
35. For an account of wall and roof mosaics up to the fourth century, see F. Sear, Roman Wall and Vault Mosaics (Heidelberg 1977). The re-use of tesserae by Basil I is seen as evidence for a drop in production, Cutler, 'Industries of art', 560.
36. C. Lightfoot and E. Ivison, 'Concluding remarks', in Gill, Amorium Reports: The Glass, 259-64, though they feel it plausible that everyday glassware would be of local manufacture.
37. Y. Goren-Rosen, 'The ancient glass industry in Israel: Summary of the finds and new discoveries' in La route du verre. Ateliers primaires et secondaires du second millénaire av. J.-C. au Moyen Age, ed. M.-D. Nenna (Lyon 2000) 49-63, dealing only with Israel, is the nearest thing to a gazetteer of glass factories and workshops.
38. See, for example, D.B. Harden, 'Ancient Glass III: Post-Roman', Antiquities Journal 128 (1971) 78-117.
39. For the continuation of this industry into the Byzantine period, see I.C. Freestone and Y. Gorin-Rosen, 'The great glass slab at Beth She'arim, Israel: An early Islamic glass-making experiment?', Journal of Glass Studies 41 (1999), 105-16.
40. Also Goren-Rosen, 'Ancient glass industry in Israel'; M.-D. Nenna, M. Picon and M. Vichy, 'Ateliers primaires et secondaires en Egypte à l'époque Greco-romaine' in La route du verre, ed. Nenna, 97-112;
41. I.C. Freestone, M. Ponting, M.J. Hughes, 'The origin of Byzantine glass from Maroni Petrera, Cyprus', Archaeometry 44 (2002) 257-72.
42. My thanks to Ian Freestone for this reference. For some problems and a suggestion of smaller-scale regional centres of production, at least in the West, sec C.M. Jackson, M.J. Baxter, H.E.M. Cool, 'Identifying group and meaning: An investigation of Roman colourless glass' in Échanges et commerce du verre dans le monde antique, ed. D. Foy and M.-D. Nenna (Montagnac 2003) 33-9.
43. R.H. Brill, 'Beth She'arim', Notes and News, Israel Exploration Journal 15 (1965) 261-2, and
44. Freestone and Gorin-Rosen, 'The great glass slab at Beth She'arim'. I.C. Freestone, Y. Gorin-Rosen, and M.J. Hughes, 'Primary glass from Israel and the production of glass in Late Antiquity and the early Islamic period' in La route du verre, ed. Nenna, 65-6.
45. Freestone, Gorin-Rosen, Hughes, 'Primary glass' 52-4.
46. F. Aldsworth et al., 'Medieval glass-making at Tyre, Lebanon', Journal of Glass Studies 44 (2002) 49-66.
47. Aldsworth et al., 'Medieval glass-making'.
48. For Apollonia and its production of raw and manufactured glass, see O. Tal, R.E. Jackson-Tal and I. Freestone, 'New evidence of the production of raw glass at Late Byzantine Apollonia-Arsuf, Israel', Journal of Glass Studies 46 (2004) 51-66.
49. Sardis: A. von Saldern, Ancient and Byzantine Glass from Sardis (Cambridge, Mass. 1980);
50. Foss and J. Ayer Smith, 'Sardis', in Economic History of Byzantium, ed. Laiou, II, 615-22.
51. Sepphoris: O. Dussart, 'Quelques indices d'ateliers de verriers en Jordane et en Syrie du sud de la fin de l'époque hellénistique à l'époque islamique', in La route du verre, ed. Nenna, 91-6, esp. 91.
52. Jalame: Excavations at Jalame: Site of a Glass Factory in Late Roman Palestine, ed. G. Davidson Weinberg (Columbia 1988).
53. Goren-Rosen, 'Ancient glass industry in Israel'.
54. E.M. Stern, 'Ancient and medieval glass from the necropolis church at Anemurium', Annales du 9e congrès de l'association internationale pour l'histoire du verre (1983) 35-64.
55. D. Foy, 'Un atelier de verrier à Beyrouth au début de la conquête Islamique', Syria 77 (2000) 239-90.
56. E.M. Stern, 'Early exports beyond the empire', in Roman Glass: Two Centuries of Art and Invention, ed. M. Newby and K. Painter (London 1991) 151;
57. R. Pinder-Wilson and G. Scanlon, 'Glass finds from Fustat: 1967-1971', Journal of Glass Studies 15 (1973) 12-30.
58. A. Bezborodov and A.A. Abdurazakov, 'Newly excavated glassworks in the USSR, third-fourteenth centuries AD', Journal of Glass Studies 6 (1964) 64-9;
59. A. Bortoli and M. Kazanski, 'Kherson and its regions', in Economic History of Byzantium, ed. Laiou, II, 659-65.
60. On Russian glass, see also Y. Ivachenko, 'Le verre proto-Byzantine; recherches en Russe 1980-1990' in Le Verre de l'antiquité tardive et du haut Moyen Age, ed. D. Foy (Val d'Oise 1995) 319-30.
61. Preslav: I. Jordanov, 'Preslav', in Economic History of Byzantium, ed. Laiou, II, 667-71.
62. have been unable to get hold of the reports of these finds. Also see the summary by T.S. Noonan, 'Technology transfer between Byzantium and Eastern Europe: A case study of the glass industry in early Russia', in The Medieval Mediterranean: Cross-cultural Contacts, ed. M.J. Chiat and K.L. Reyerson (St Cloud, Minn., 1988), 105-11. My thanks to Robin Cormack for this reference.
63. F. Dell'Acqua, 'Ninth century window glass from the monastery of San Vincenzo al Volturno', Journal of Glass Studies 39 (1997) 36;
64. A. Gasparetto, 'A proposito dell'officina vetraria torcellana', Journal of Glass Studies 9 (1967) 50-75
65. D. Jacoby, 'Research on the Venetian glass industry in the Middle Ages', Journal of Glass Studies 33 (1991) 119-20;
66. Jacoby, 'Raw materials for the glass industries of Venice and the Terrafirma, c.1370-c.1460', Journal of Glass Studies 35 (1993) 65-90.
67. G.F. Bass and F.H. van Doorninck Jr, 'An eleventh-century shipwreck at Serçe Limani, Turkey', International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 7 (1978) 119-32;
68. G.F. Bass, 'The nature of the Scrçe Limani glass', Journal of Glass Studies 26 (1984) 64-9.
69. Also A.J. Parker, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean (Oxford 1992) for other wrecks with glass.
70. For trade in glass in a Roman context, J. Price, 'Trade in glass', in Roman Shipping and Trade: Britain and the Rhine Provinces, ed. J. du Plat Taylor and H. Cleere (London 1978) 70-8.
71. F. van Doorninck Jr, 'Byzantine shipwrecks', in Economic History of Byzantium, ed. Laiou, II, 903.
72. J. Henderson, 'Glass trade and chemical analysis: A possible model for Islamic glass production', in Foy and Nenna, Échanges et commerce du verre, 109-23.
73. B. Lledó, 'Mold siblings in the eleventh century cullet from Serçe Limani', Journal of Glass Studies 39 (1997) 44.
74. Freestone, Ponting, Hughes, 'Byzantine glass from Maroni Petrera': the other source has yet to be identified. For similar work in Italy, see M. Uboldi and M. Verità, 'Scientific analyses of glass from Late Antiquity and early medieval archaeological sites in northern Italy', Journal of Glass Studies 45 (2003) 115-38.
75. Philippe, Le Monde byzantin, 4;
76. G. Davidson Weinberg, 'A medieval mystery: Byzantine glass production', Journal of Glass Studies 27 (1965) 127-41;
77. François and Spieser, 'Pottery and glass in Byzantium', 593-8.
78. R. Ward, 'Introduction', in Gilded and Enamelled Glass, ed. Ward, x.
79. See, for example, Philippe, 'Reflections on Byzantine glass', 40-6, an article that does not mention mosaics.
80. Saraçhane: J. Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, II. (Princeton 1992) 399-421.
81. Mosaic and window glass appear in vol. 1. Kariye and Pantokrator: A.H.S. Megaw 'Notes on recent work of the Byzantine Institute in Istanbul', DOP 17 (1963) 349-67.
82. J. Lafond, 'Découverte de vitraux historiques du Moyen Age', Cahiers Archéologiques 18 (1968) 231-8, argued that the stained glass was Western.
83. Most recently see F. Dell'Acqua, 'The stained glass windows from the Chora and Pantokrator monasteries: A Byzantine "mystery"', in Restoring Byzantium. The Kariye Camii in Istanbul and the Byzantine Institute Restoration, ed. H.A. Klein (New York 2004) 68-78.
84. Von Saldern, 'Byzantine glass', 1-3, believes Constantinople must have had specialized glass workshops dealing with ordinary and luxury glassware.
85. The Miracles of St Eugenios imply that monks from Trebizond obtained their glass lamps from Constantinople and from Phasiane in Armenia: J.O. Rosenqvist, 'Lamps for St Eugcnios: A note on Byzantine glass', Eranos 92 (1994) 52-9, miracles 5 and 18, which Rosenqvist dates to the ninth or tenth centuries.
86. The Life of St Photeine mentions a glass-smelting workshop in ninth-century Constantinople: A.-M. Talbot, 'The posthumous miracles of St Photeine', AB 12 (1994) 88-104 and
87. Mundell Mango, 'The commercial map of Constantinople', DOP 54 (2002) 202.
88. C. Bouras, 'Aspects of the Byzantine city, eighth to fifteenth centuries' in Economic History of Byzantium, ed. Laiou, II, 517.
89. Price, 'Trade in glass'.
90. Von Saldern, 'Byzantine glass from Sardis', 92-4.
91. F.M. Beibel, 'The mosaics' in Gerasa, City of the Decapolis, ed. K.H. Kraeling (New Haven 1936) 297-354, esp. 514 for the glass dump and 517-18 for the 'glass court';
92. Mayer, 'Glass from the North Theater Byzantine church and surroundings at Jerash, Jordan 1983-83', in Preliminary Reports of ASOR-sponsored Excavations 1982-85, ed. W.E. Rast and M. Zeiger (Baltimore 1988) 175-222.
93. For Petra, Z.T. Fiema et al., The Petra Church (Amman 2001) esp. 96-8, 370, 379 (which also deals with the analysis of the tesserae).
94. A.N. Shugar, 'Byzantine opaque red mosaic glass tesserae from Beit Shean, Israel' Archaeometry 42 (2000) 375-84. My thanks to Ian Freestone for this reference.
95. Gasparetto, 'A proposito dell'officina vetraria torcellana'.
96. M. Verità, A. Renier and S. Zecchin, 'Chemical analyses of ancient glass findings excavated in the Venetian lagoon', Journal of Cultural Heritage 3 (2002) 261-71. I am grateful to Marco Verità for this reference.
97. See J. Henderson, The Science and Archaeology of Materials: An Investigation of Inorganic Materials (London 2000) 29-38.
98. R.G. Newton, 'Recent views on ancient glasses', Glass Technology 21(1980) 173-83, makes the case that it is improbable that ancient glassmakers added small proportions of colorants, suggesting that they did not have the chemical knowledge necessary. I am very grateful to Ian Freestone for discussion on this point.
99. For chemical fingerprinting, see J. Henderson, 'The scientific analysis of ancient glass and its archaeological interpretation' in Scientific Analysis in Archaeology and its Interpretation, ed. J. Henderson (Oxford 1989) 30-62;
100. also M. Verità, 'Tecniche di fabbricazione dei materiali musivi vitrei: indagini chimiche e mineralogiche', in Medieval Mosaics: Light, Color, Materials, ed. E. Borsook, F. Gioffredi Superbi and G. Pagliarulo (Florence 2000) 47-64
101. . R.H. Brill, 'Scientific investigations of the Jalame glasses and related finds', in Jalame, ed. Davidson, 263, states that 'glasses made in different factories, at different times, can be distinguished on the basis of their compositions.'
102. I.C. Freestone, 'Compositions and affinities of glass from the furnaces on the island site, Tyre', Journal of Glass Studies 44 (2002) 67-77, suggests that there is enough difference in the composition between the Serçe Limani glass and the glass from Banias to suggest that it might be possible to distinguish glasses from different primary production centres. Henderson, 'Glass trade and chemical analysis', is positive about the prospects for analysis.
103. Also see the suggestions for future research made by R.H. Brill and P. Pongracz, 'Stained glass from St-Jean-des-Vignes (Soissons) and comparisons with glass from other medieval sites', Journal of Glass Studies 46 (2004), 131-2.
104. For the significance of the River Belus, see Pliny, Natural History 5.75 and
105. E.V. Sayre and R.W. Smith, 'Compositional categories of ancient glass', Science 133 (1961) 1824-6.
106. For a detailed account, Henderson, Science and Archaeology of Materials, 24-108.
107. For nuances and issues, D. Whitehouse, 'The transition from natron to plant ash in the Levant', Journal of Glass Studies 44 (2002) 193-6.
108. Also, for the transition between Roman and Islamic glass, see O. Dussart, B. Velde, P.-M. Blanc and J.-P. Sodini, 'Glass from Qal'at Sem'an (Northern Syria): The reworking of glass during the transition from Roman to Islamic compositions', Journal of Glass Studies 46 (2004), 67-83.
109. I.C. Freestone, M. Bimson, D. Buckton, 'Compositional categories of Byzantine glass tesserae', Annales du 11 congrès de l'association internationale pour l'histoire du verre 1988 (1988) 271-80.
110. Verità, 'Analisi di tessere musive vitree del battistero della basilica di San Marco in Venezia', in Scienza e tecnica del restaura della basilica di San Marco (Venice 1999) 567-85 looks at fourteenth-century tesserae from San Marco. The glass is significantly different from that of the thirteenth-century tesserae. My thanks to Marco Verità for this reference.
111. C. Fiori, M. Vandini, V. Mazzotti, 'Colore e technologia degli 'smalti' musivi dei riquadri di Giustiniano e Teodora nella Basilica di San Vitale a Ravenna', C+CA 33 (2003) 1-20. My thanks to Cesare Fiori and Mariangela Vandini for this reference.
112. A. Ruffini, C. Fiori, M. Vandini, 'Caratterizzazione chimica di vetri musivi antichi. Parte 1: metodologie d'analisi e risultati; parte 2: elaborazione dei dati analitici', Ceramurgia 29, 4 (1999) 285-98 and
113. Verità, B. Profilo, M. Vallotto, 'I mosaici della basilica dei Santi Cosma e Damiano a Roma: studio analitico delle tesscre vitrée', Studi Rivista della Stazione sperimentale del vetro 5 (2002) 13-24 reveal the difference between sixth-seventh and seventeenth-century tesserae at the church of SS Cosmas and Damian in Rome and suggest that a comparison with tesserae from the Great Mosque in Damascus would be informative. My thanks to Cesare Fiori, Mariangela Vandini and Marco Verità for these references.
114. Evidence about opaque red glass supports this proposition: R.H. Brill and N.D. Cahill, 'A red opaque glass from Sardis and some thoughts on red opaques in general', Journal of Glass Studies 30 (1988) 16-27.
115. For Centcelles, see H. Schlunk, Die Mosaikkuppel von Centcelles (Mainz 1988). The analysis of tesserae is on pp. 184-9. On opacifiers, Verità, 'Tecniche di fabbricazione'.
116. One tessera provides evidence for tin opacified glass at Nea Mone: I.C. Freestone, S.G.E. Bowman, D. Buckton, 'Recycling in the production of Byzantine enamel', unpublished research paper.
117. For an account, see C. Fiori, I. Roncuzzi-Fiorentini and M. Vandini, 'Colours and stories of the Italian mosaics', in The Art of Ceramics: The Blend of Art and Science in Technology, ed. N. Claussen (Techna 2001) 149-72. My thanks to Cesare Fiori and Mariangela Vandini for this reference.
118. Dell'Acqua, 'Ninth century window glass', 36 and n. 13;
119. Buckton '"Necessity the mother of invention" in early medieval enamels', Transactions of the Canadian Conference of Art Historians 3 1982 (1985) 1-6;
120. Freestone, Bowman and Buckton, 'Recycling in the production of Byzantine enamel', unpublished research paper; I.C. Freestone, S.G.E. Bowman and C.P. Stapleton, 'Composition and origin of Byzantine and Early Medieval enamel glasses' in Catalogue of Medieval Enamels in the British Museum, ed. D.Buckton (London, forthcoming). My thanks to Ian Freestone for allowing me to see and cite both of these key articles well in advance of publication.
121. R.H. Brill, Chemical Analyses of Early Glasses, vol. 1: The catalogue; vol. 2: The tables (New York 1999) begins this by bringing together Brill's analyses (including Byzantine tesserae) in tabular form. A third volume of analysis is awaited.
122. See the discussion by Freestone, Ponting and Hughes, 'Glass from Maroni Petrera', and Henderson, 'Glass trade and chemical analysis'.
123. Mango, cited by Mundell Mango and Henderson, 'Glass at medieval Constantinople' 339, n. 24;
124. François and Spieser, 'Pottery and glass in Byzantium' 595. However, they do not explain from where the estimate of five grams is derived.
125. M. McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce AD 300-900 (Cambridge 2001) 96.
126. The sources are all Muslim and all tenth century, referring back to eighth-century building activities. For arguments about their validity, see H.A.R. Gibb, 'Arab-Byzantine relations under the Umayyad Caliphate', DOP 12 (1958) 219-34, texts on 225, and
127. A. Cutler, 'Gifts and gift exchange as aspects of the Byzantine, Arab and related economies', DOP 55 (2001) 247-782.
128. For the mosaics, see H. Stern, 'Notes sur les mosaiques du Dôme du Rocher et de la mosquée de Damas à propos d'un livre de Mme Gautier Van Berchem', Cahiers Archéologiques 22 (1972) 201-36;
129. R. Hillenbrand, Islamic Architecture (Edinburgh 1994) 73.
130. For the Great Mosque in Córdoba: H. Stern, Les Mosaïques de la Grande Mosque de Cordoue (Berlin 1976), and, for the relevant texts,
131. see P.-A. Jaubert, La Géographie d'Edrisi II (Paris 1999: reprint of Paris 1836-40) 60 and
132. J.D. Dodds, 'The great mosque of Córdoba', in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, ed. J.D. Dodds (New York 1992) 22.
133. In this case, inspired by fear to give away the tesserae. Text in C. Mango, Art of the Byzantine Empire (Toronto, 1974) 221-2;
134. also Cutler, 'Industries of art', 561.
135. As is suggested by Cutler, 'Gifts and gift exchange', esp. 253-4.
136. M. Wenzel, 'Islamic gold sandwich glass: Some fragments in the David Collection', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of GB and Ireland 1988 (1988) 45-72;
137. P. Filippini, 'Blown gold-sandwich glasses with gilt-glass trailed inscriptions', Annales du 13e congrès international de l'association internationale pour l'histoire du verre 1995 (1995) 113-28.
138. M. Mundell Mango, 'Beyond the amphora: Non-ceramic evidence for Late Antique industry and trade', in Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity, ed. S. Kingsley and M. Decker (Oxford 2001) 87-107, esp. table 5.1.
139. Cutler, 'Industries of art' 560.
140. M. Mundell Mango, 'The monetary value of silver revetments and objects belonging to churches, AD 300-700', in Ecclesiastical Silver Plate in Sixth-century Byzantium, eds S.A. Boyd and M. Mundell Mango (Washington 1992) 125-6.
141. A. Cutler and J. Nesbitt, L'arte bizantina e il suo pubblico (Turin 1986) 106.
142. M. Verità, 'Technology and deterioration of vitreous mosaic tesserae', Reviews in Conservation 1 (2000) 68.
143. My thanks to Marco Verità for this reference. Supporting evidence for the thinness of the gold is found in D. Bomford, J. Dunkerton, D. Gordon and A. Roy, Art in the Making: Italian Painting before 1400 (London 1990) 22, discussing Cennino Cennini's claim that over 100 sheets of gold leaf could be made from one florin (weight anything between 3.55 g and 3.34 g). I am very grateful to Michelle O'Malley and Christopher Poke for debate on this.
144. Eufrasiana: A. Terry and H. Maguire, 'The wall mosaics of the cathedral of Eufrasius in Poreč: third preliminary report', Hortus Artium Medievalium 7 (2001) 131-66 and
145. A. Terry and H. Maguire, Dynamic Splendor: The Wall Mosaics in the Cathedral at Porec (Penn State, forthcoming);
146. Dereazi: Morganstern, Byzantine Church at Dereaǧzi 103-5;
147. Hagia Sophia: E.J.W. Hawkins, 'Further observations on the narthex mosaic in St Sophia at Istanbul', DOP 22 (1968) 151-66.
148. C. Harding, 'Economic dimensions in art: Mosaic versus wall-painting in Trecento Orvieto' in Florence and Italy: Renaissance Studies in Honour of Nikolai Rubinstein, ed. P. Denley and C. Elam (London 1988) 503-11.
149. C. Mango and E.J.W. Hawkins, 'The mosaics of St Sophia at Istanbul: The Church Fathers in the north tympanum', DOP 26 (1972) 22, and the further conclusions drawn by Cutler, 'Industries of art' 560.